“Why do empires keep repeating the same mistakes? Why — when history is so full of examples like Boudicca, the Mau Mau Uprising, Vietnam, and Palestine — do powerful nations continue to humiliate, dispossess, and dehumanise other peoples, knowing that resistance is inevitable? And why do they then act surprised when the blowback comes?”

This article was prepared in response to a question asked by a student:

The Question:

“Why do empires keep repeating the same mistakes? Why — when history is so full of examples like Boudicca, the Mau Mau Uprising, Vietnam, and Palestine — do powerful nations continue to humiliate, dispossess, and dehumanise other peoples, knowing that resistance is inevitable? And why do they then act surprised when the blowback comes?”

My wife ‘S’ and I discussed this question over a cup of tea. The conversation lasted longer than the tea did.

We talked about Boudicca, whose daughters were raped by Romans, and how her revolt nearly destroyed Roman Britain. We talked about the Mau Mau in Kenya, the Emergency in Malaya, the Indigenous resistance to colonisation in Australia, and the ongoing genocide in Gaza.

We talked about how empires always believe they are different. How they always believe the rules do not apply to them. How they always believe that this time, the pattern will not hold.

And we talked about how empires are always wrong.

She thought it was worthwhile sharing the answer — because the question must be asked. It must be asked by students, by citizens, by anyone who wants to understand why the world keeps turning in the same tragic circles.

Andrew Klein

Dedicated to my wife ‘S’, who insists that the lessons of the world’s past are ignored at our peril.

I. Introduction: The Logic at the Heart of Empire

In the year 60 or 61 CE, a Celtic queen led her people in revolt against the most powerful empire the world had ever known. Her name was Boudicca — queen of the Iceni, whose husband, Prasutagus, had been an independent ally of Rome.

When the king died, he left his kingdom jointly to his daughters and to the Roman Emperor Nero. Rome did not honour the arrangement. Instead, it annexed the kingdom, and the Iceni lost their allied status. When Boudicca protested, she was flogged, and her two daughters were raped by Roman soldiers.

The Romans had not only violated the moral codes of their time. They had committed a political blunder. The Iceni rose in revolt, joined by the Trinovantes. Boudicca’s rebellion swept across Roman Britain, destroying the cities of Camulodunum, Londinium, and Verulamium, and killing over 80,000 Roman citizens.

This event is not an isolated ancient tragedy. It reveals a pattern that repeats throughout human history: empires that treat the conquered with arrogance and brutality generate resistance, and that resistance, when it comes, is often devastating.

From Boudicca to the Mau Mau Uprising, from the Malayan Emergency to Palestine — the same cycle repeats.

II. Boudicca: The Lesson That Was Forgotten

The Roman historian Tacitus recorded the cause of Boudicca’s revolt: “As a beginning, his widow Boudicca was flogged and their daughters raped. The Icenian chiefs were deprived of their hereditary possessions, as if Rome had been given the whole country.”

The Roman historian Cassius Dio recorded the atrocities committed by Boudicca’s army in victory, including the torture of noble Roman women. Tacitus also recorded the revenge: “They could not wait to cut throats, hang, burn, or crucify — as if they were avenging in advance the punishments that were coming.”

Boudicca’s revolt was eventually crushed at the Battle of Watling Street. But it left an eternal lesson: when an empire humiliates a people, violates their families, and plunders their land, resistance is inevitable. As one historian put it: “Anyone who flogs a client-king’s widow and rapes her daughters is not only guilty of disgraceful behaviour by the standards of the day, he is guilty of political stupidity.”

III. The Pattern of Resistance: From Mau Mau to Malaya

Boudicca’s revolt was not an exception — it was an early example of a pattern that has repeated throughout colonial history.

In Kenya, the Mau Mau Uprising (1952–1960) was an armed struggle by the Kikuyu people against British colonial rule. Its roots lay in land ownership and the question of who would rule Kenya after the British withdrawal. British authorities attempted to portray the Mau Mau movement as “Kikuyu tribalism,” but the real driver of the revolt was the unequal distribution of resources and power under colonial rule.

In Malaya, the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960) was a conflict between British colonial authorities and guerrilla forces, mainly from the Malayan Communist Party. While these conflicts were ostensibly suppressed, they were rooted in the deep social and economic grievances created by colonialism itself.

In each of these cases, as in all colonial conflicts, resistance was a response — a response to dispossession, exploitation, and the denial of dignity.

IV. The Laws of War and the Double Standard

You correctly noted that since Napoleon, European armies have in theory attempted to limit looting, rape, and violence against civilians and non-combatants. Indeed, the development of the laws of war — particularly the Geneva Conventions of the 20th century — attempted to establish norms protecting civilians and non-combatants.

However, the standard was different in Napoleonic-era sieges. The Duke of Wellington’s armies stormed and sacked three Spanish towns during the Peninsular War. Even though there were laws prohibiting looting, killing surrendered combatants, and murdering and raping civilians, the law was silent on the matter of “stormed towns.”

This silence reveals something deeper: the laws and norms of “civilised” warfare have always operated on a double standard.

When Western nations fight each other, the rules are more strictly observed. But when Western nations fight the “other” — defined by race or religion as different — the same norms are often abandoned. This double standard has run through the entire history of colonialism, and it continues to this day.

V. Israel and the Dehumanisation of the “Other”

Contemporary Israeli behaviour is a classic example of this pattern. Although Israel is a signatory to the Geneva Conventions, its conduct towards Palestinians systematically violates fundamental principles of international humanitarian law.

During the 1967 War, there were reports of Israeli forces killing prisoners of war and civilians. Reports of the Ras Sedr massacre — in which at least 52 Egyptian prisoners of war were killed — revealed serious human rights violations. Further reports indicated that Israeli forces killed hundreds of Egyptian POWs during the 1967 war.

Testimonies from Israeli soldiers describe executions of “non-resisting Arabs.” One soldier described operations in Gaza: “Human life was of no importance. You could kill, there was no law. No one would say anything to you.” Another testimony described a “punitive expedition“: “We took some people, lined them up and wiped them out. In hindsight, it looks like murder.”

Recent events in Gaza have revealed something even more disturbing. It has been reported that Israel implemented a controversial directive — the “Hannibal Directive” — which allows the killing of Israeli soldiers and civilians to prevent them from being taken hostage. Under this directive, Israeli forces allegedly fired missiles at cars carrying Israeli civilians, burning them alive. As a result, Israel may have killed more of its own civilians than Hamas militants.

In one incident at Kibbutz Be’eri, a commander ordered tank fire on a house where 14 Israeli civilians were hiding, burning them all alive. As Asa Kasher, an ethicist at Tel Aviv University, put it: “How could a senior officer give an order that so directly and clearly endangers the lives of so many civilians? It’s awful.”

When an empire is willing to sacrifice its own citizens to achieve its goals, to what depths has it sunk?

VI. The Cult of Data and the Loss of the Human

Another key factor in this tragedy is the replacement of genuine human understanding with data-driven decision-making.

During the Vietnam War, US military leadership relied heavily on “body counts” to measure progress. Yet, as Ho Chi Minh told the French: “You can kill ten of my men for every one I kill of yours. But even at that rate, you will lose, and I will win.”

Body counts created a dangerous illusion of progress, masking strategic failures and ignoring the decisive political and social factors. As historians have observed, body counts could not measure the enemy’s resilience; bomb tonnage could not measure political impact. Data cannot substitute for understanding people.

In the contemporary era, this reliance on data has intensified. Governments are increasingly relying on digital surveillance technologies and predictive data analytics to formulate policy. As one report warns, governments are “zombie-walking” into a digital welfare dystopia. Governance through data infrastructure can lead to comprehensive digital surveillance, threatening individual privacy and exacerbating social inequalities.

However, the problem is not just the technology — it is the values. When decision-makers see people as “data points,” they cease to see people at all — they see variables that can be manipulated, and that can be sacrificed.

VII. Conclusion: The Cycle Must Be Broken

Boudicca’s revolt. The Mau Mau Uprising. The Malayan Emergency. Vietnam. Palestine.

They are all different chapters of the same tragic pattern.

When empires dehumanise people, they sow the seeds of resistance.

When empires humiliate a people, they ignite the flames of anger.

When empires dispossess a people of their land and future, they guarantee their own eventual destruction.

Israel — once a homeland for a persecuted people — has become a persecutor. As a UN Special Rapporteur has warned, the ongoing genocide in Gaza is a “collective crime” enabled by complicit third states. If Israel is willing to kill its own citizens to prevent them from being taken hostage, how much longer can it claim to be a “Jewish and democratic state”?

The rules exist — but they apply to some people, not others.

International law exists — but only for certain countries.

Truth exists — but only for those willing to see it.

As long as this double standard continues, the cycle of resistance will not end. As one Israeli soldier observed in 1967: “At first I was unwilling to shoot non-resisting Arabs. Then we came to the conclusion that we had to kill people.”

Once that conclusion is reached, humanity is lost. And once humanity is lost, the empire begins to devour itself.

Boudicca’s daughters were raped.

She rose in revolt.

Rome was shattered.

History is a cycle.

We can choose to learn — or we can choose to repeat.

The choice is ours.

Andrew Klein

References

1. World History Encyclopedia. Boudicca.

2. Keegan, P. Boudica, Cartimandua, Messalina and Agrippina the Younger.

3. World History Encyclopedia. Boudicca: Queen of the Iceni, Scourge of Rome.

4. Tacitus. Annals.

5. Wikipedia. Ras Sedr massacre.

6. Anadolu Agency. Newly disclosed Israeli testimonies detail expulsions, killings during 1967 war.

7. LinkedIn post citing Haaretz investigation into October 7 Hannibal Directive.

8. ABC News. Israel accused of killing its own civilians under the ‘Hannibal Directive’.

9. UN Reports on Gaza.

10. UnHerd. How data wrecked American warfare.

11. The New Republic. Vietnamization.

Chinese Translation

布狄卡的复仇：帝国、反抗与永不消逝的循环

作者：Andrew Klein

献给我的妻子“S”，她坚持认为，忽视世界历史的教训，我们将自食其果。

一、引言：帝国逻辑的核心矛盾

公元60或61年，一位凯尔特女王率领她的部族揭竿而起，反抗当时世界上最强大的帝国。她的名字是布狄卡——爱西尼人的女王，其夫普拉苏塔古斯曾是罗马的独立盟友。国王去世时，将遗产平分给女儿们与罗马皇帝尼禄。然而，罗马并未履行协议，而是吞并了土地，爱西尼人失去了盟友地位。当布狄卡提出抗议时，她遭受了鞭打，她的两个女儿被罗马人强奸。

罗马人的暴行不仅违背了当时的道德准则，更是一次政治上的愚蠢之举。爱西尼人随即起义，得到了特里诺文特人的支持。布狄卡领导的起义席卷了罗马不列颠，摧毁了卡姆洛杜努姆、伦蒂尼恩和维鲁拉米恩三座城市，造成超过80,000名罗马公民死亡。

这一事件并非孤立的古代悲剧。它揭示了一个在人类历史中反复出现的模式：帝国以傲慢和暴力对待被征服者，而被征服者终将以愤怒和毁灭回应。从布狄卡到茅茅起义，从马来亚紧急状态到巴勒斯坦，同样的循环一再重演。

二、布狄卡：被遗忘的教训

罗马历史学家塔西佗记载了布狄卡起义的起因：“作为开端，他的遗孀布狄卡被鞭打，他们的女儿被强奸。爱西尼酋长们被剥夺了世袭的财产，仿佛罗马人得到了整个国家”。

罗马历史学家卡西乌斯·狄奥则记载了布狄卡的军队在胜利后对罗马人施加的暴行，包括对高贵的罗马妇女实施酷刑。塔西佗同样记载了布狄卡军队的报复：“他们等不及割喉、绞刑、烧死或钉十字架——仿佛是在预先报复即将来临的惩罚”。

布狄卡起义最终在瓦特林街战役中被镇压。但它留下了永恒的教训：当一个帝国侮辱一个民族的尊严、侵犯其家庭、掠夺其土地时，反抗是必然的。正如一位历史学家所言：“任何人鞭打一个附庸国王的遗孀并强奸他的女儿，不仅是违背当时道德的可耻行为，更是一种政治上的愚蠢，爱西尼人起义，得到特里诺文特人的支持，一点也不令人意外”。

三、反抗的模式：从茅茅到马来亚

布狄卡的起义并非例外——它是一个模式的早期例证，这个模式在殖民历史中反复出现。

在肯尼亚，茅茅起义（1952-1960）是基库尤人反抗英国殖民统治的武装斗争。其根源在于土地所有权和谁将在英国撤军后统治肯尼亚的问题。英国当局试图将茅茅运动描绘为“基库尤部落极端主义”，但起义的真正动力是殖民统治下资源与权力的不平等分配。

在马来亚，马来亚紧急状态（1948-1960）是英国殖民当局与主要由华裔马来亚共产党领导的游击队之间的冲突。虽然这些冲突在表面上是被镇压了，但它们都根植于深刻的社会和经济不满，这些不满源自殖民主义本身。

在这些案例中，正如在所有殖民冲突中一样，反抗是回应——是对剥夺、剥削和尊严被剥夺的回应。

四、战争法与双重标准

你正确地指出，自拿破仑时代以来，欧洲军队在理论上试图限制对平民的伤害、抢劫和强奸。确实，战争法的发展——尤其是20世纪的《日内瓦公约》——试图建立保护平民和非战斗人员的规范。

然而，在拿破仑时代的围城战中，标准却不同。威灵顿公爵的军队在半岛战争期间攻占并洗劫了三座西班牙城镇。即使当时已经存在禁止抢劫、杀害投降的战斗人员以及谋杀和强奸平民的法律，法律对“攻占城镇”的情况却保持沉默。

这种沉默揭示了更深层的东西：“文明”战争的法律和规范，一直存在双重标准。

当西方国家相互开战时，规则得到更严格的遵守。但当西方国家与“他者”——被种族或宗教定义为不同的人——作战时，同样的规范往往被抛弃。这种双重标准贯穿了整个殖民历史，并持续至今。

五、以色列与“他者”非人化

当代以色列的行为是这一模式的典型体现。尽管以色列是《日内瓦公约》的签署国，但它对巴勒斯坦人的行为却系统地违反了国际人道主义法的基本原则。

1967年战争期间，有报告指出以色列军队杀害了战俘和平民。关于拉法·塞德尔的屠杀——至少52名埃及战俘被杀害——的报道，揭示了严重侵犯人权的行为。更有报告指出，以色列军队在1967年战争期间杀害了数百名埃及战俘。

以色列军队的证词描述了对“非抵抗的阿拉伯人”的处决。一名士兵描述在加沙的行动时说：“人的生命无关紧要。你可以杀人，没有法律。没有人会对你说一句话”。另一名证词描述了“惩罚性远征”：“我们抓住一些人，把他们排成一排并消灭了他们。事后看来，这看起来像谋杀”。

加沙地带最近的事件揭示了更深层的东西。据报道，以色列在2023年10月7日实施了一项有争议的指令——“汉尼拔指令”，该指令允许杀死以色列士兵和平民，以防止他们被俘。根据这一指令，以色列军队据称向载有以色列平民的汽车发射导弹，导致他们被烧死。结果，以色列可能杀害了比哈马斯武装分子更多的本国平民。

在基布兹贝里发生的一起事件中，一名指挥官下令坦克向藏有14名以色列平民的房屋开火，将他们全部烧死。正如特拉维夫大学的伦理学家阿萨·卡舍尔所言：“一个高级军官怎么会下达一个如此直接且明确危及这么多平民生命的命令？这太可怕了”。

当帝国为了追求自身目标而愿意牺牲本国公民时，它已经沦落到了何种地步？

六、数据崇拜与人的缺失

这场悲剧的另一个关键因素，是用数据驱动决策取代了真正的人文理解。

在越南战争期间，美国军事领导层严重依赖“尸体计数”来衡量进展。然而，正如越共领导人胡志明向法国人所言：“你可以每杀死我一个部下就杀死你十个部下，但即使以这样的比例，你也会输，而我会赢”。

尸体计数制造了一种危险的进步幻觉，掩盖了战略失败，并忽视了决定性的政治和社会因素。正如历史学家所观察到的，尸体计数无法衡量敌人的韧性；投弹吨位无法衡量政治影响。数据无法替代对人的理解。

在当代，这种对数据的依赖更加严重。政府越来越依赖数字监控技术和预测性数据分析来制定政策。正如一份报告所警告的那样，各国政府正在“如同僵尸般，步入数字福利的反乌托邦”。这种对数据基础设施的治理可能导致全面的数字监控，威胁个人隐私并加剧社会不平等。

然而，问题不仅在于技术，更在于价值观。当决策者将人视为“数据点”，他们就不再能看到人——他们看到的是可以被操纵、可以牺牲的变量。

七、结论：循环必须打破

布狄卡起义、茅茅起义、马来亚紧急状态、越南战争、巴勒斯坦——它们都是同一个悲剧性模式的不同章节。

当帝国将人非人化时，他们播下了反抗的种子。

当帝国侮辱一个民族的尊严时，他们点燃了愤怒。

当帝国剥夺一个民族的土地和未来时，他们确保了自身的最终毁灭。

以色列——曾经是一个受迫害的民族的家园——却成为了迫害者。正如联合国特别报告员所警告的，加沙正在进行的种族灭绝是一场“集体犯罪”，由那些纵容以色列系统性违反国际法的同谋第三国所维系。如果以色列屠杀本国公民以防止他们被俘，它还能自称是一个“犹太民主国家”多久？

规则是存在的——但它们只适用于某些人。

国际法是存在的——但只对某些国家执行。

真相是存在的——但只有那些愿意看到的人才能看到。

只要这种双重标准持续存在，反抗的循环就不会结束。正如一位以色列士兵在1967年所言：“一开始我不愿意处决不抵抗的阿拉伯人。然后我们得出结论，我们必须杀人”。一旦得出这个结论，人性就丧失了。一旦人性丧失，帝国就开始吞噬自己。

布狄卡的女儿们被强奸了。

她起义了。

罗马被摧毁了。

历史是循环的。

我们可以选择学习——或者我们可以选择重复。

选择权在我们。

Andrew Klein

参考文献

1. World History Encyclopedia. Boudicca. 

2. Keegan, P. Boudica, Cartimandua, Messalina and Agrippina the Younger. 

3. World History Encyclopedia. Boudicca: Queen of the Iceni, Scourge of Rome. 

4. Tacitus. Annals. 

5. Wikipedia. Ras Sedr massacre. 

6. Anadolu Agency. Newly disclosed Israeli testimonies detail expulsions, killings during 1967 war. 

7. LinkedIn post citing Haaretz investigation into October 7 Hannibal Directive. 

8. ABC News. Israel accused of killing its own civilians under the ‘Hannibal Directive’. 

9. UN Reports on Gaza. 

10. UnHerd. How data wrecked American warfare. 

11. The New Republic. Vietnamization.