13^Th March 2026

By Andrew Klein

Introduction: A Leader in Freefall

There is a pattern to despots and demagogues that repeats across centuries. When they cannot win with results, they reach for prophecy. When they cannot convince with evidence, they claim destiny. When their legacy crumbles, they try to rebuild it with the bodies of the innocent.

Benjamin Netanyahu is following that script.

On March 2, standing amid the wreckage of an Iranian missile strike in Beit Shemesh that killed nine Israelis, Netanyahu invoked the ancient enemy Amalek—the biblical nation God commanded the Israelites to utterly destroy, “both man and woman, child and baby”. He framed the war not as a strategic necessity but as a holy mission.

This is what desperation looks like.

Part One: The Corruption at His Feet

Netanyahu finally took the witness stand in his corruption trial this month, after years of delays. The charges against him are not trivial:

· Accepting over $260,000 worth of luxury cigars, champagne and jewellery from billionaire benefactors in exchange for political favours

· Attempting to negotiate favourable media coverage with newspaper publishers

· His wife Sara separately charged with misusing state funds for catered meals

$260,000 is not a few cigars. It is a shop full of them. It is the scale of a man who came to believe the rules did not apply to him.

Yet even as he testifies, even as the evidence mounts, Netanyahu continues to govern—and to wage war. His strategy is transparent: keep the conflict burning, keep the nation focused on external enemies, and hope the courts and the public forget what is happening in the courtroom.

Part Two: The “War of Revival” – Orwellian Doublespeak

By cabinet fiat last October, Netanyahu replaced the official IDF designation of the war—”Swords of Iron”—with his own carefully chosen phrase: “War of Revival”.

The Orwellian nature of this rebranding is unmistakable. A war forced upon Israel by the worst massacre in its history, a war of survival against an enemy that invaded and murdered 1,200 people, is to be remembered not as a tragic necessity but as a glorious revitalization.

The soldiers’ graves still do not bear this name. Their families are bitterly resisting any attempt to impose it . They know the truth that Netanyahu seeks to bury: this was not a war of choice, not a revival, but a failure of protection that cost thousands of lives.

Netanyahu also ordered the word “massacre” removed from legislation commemorating October 7 . He is not just fighting a war—he is fighting history itself, trying to erase the evidence of his own culpability.

Part Three: No Plan for Victory

The most damning evidence of desperation comes from Israel’s own security establishment.

Senior Israeli security sources have now admitted to international media that there was no realistic plan for regime change when the campaign began. One source stated plainly:

“It’s wishful thinking. We used to have a plan how to take out the ballistic missiles, how to deal with the nuclear sites. But I never heard that we knew how to do a campaign of regime change from the air. We never knew how to get into the heads of 90 million people.”

Sima Shine, a former Mossad research chief, was even more direct: “I belong to those who don’t think that regime change can happen from bombing from the outside” .

Yet the bombs continue to fall. The war expands. And the Iranian people, far from rising against their leaders, mourned them in the streets.

Part Four: The Messianic Turn

When earthly justifications fail, leaders reach for the divine.

Netanyahu’s invocation of Amalek was not a stray comment. It was a deliberate framing, understood by his base as a call for extermination. His national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, posted on X at the beginning of the war: “Blot out the memory of Amalek from under heaven; you shall not forget!”.

This is the language of genocide, applied now to Iran as it was applied to Gaza.

The timing of the war’s escalation—on the eve of Purim—was not coincidental. Reports indicate the date was chosen weeks in advance. In the Purim story, the Jewish people are saved from the scheming Haman, a Persian official. Iranian leaders have been routinely compared to Haman by Israeli commentators. The message is clear: this is not politics; it is prophecy fulfilled.

Defence Minister Israel Katz declared in 2025 that “the residents of Tehran will pay the price, and soon.” When massive bombardments rained down on the capital, he bragged: “Tehran is burning”.

That ethos continues. A US-Israeli strike targeted an elementary school in Iran, killing at least 168 people—many of them young girls. The scenes echo Gaza. The method is the same. The justification is the same. The blood is on the same hands.

Part Five: The Coalition Crumbling

Netanyahu’s desperation is not just theological—it is political.

Polls show his Likud party would gain only modestly from the war, from 27 seats to 31—still short of a majority. His coalition depends on extremists like Ben-Gvir, whom even his own defence minister, Yoav Gallant, has called a “pyromaniac”.

The Shin Bet chief now accuses Netanyahu of improper demands to weaponize the security service against protesters. His own defence minister declared on national television earlier this month: “We have a liar for prime minister”.

When your own cabinet calls you a liar, when your security chiefs say you have no plan, when your coalition partners are openly described as pyromaniacs—you are not leading. You are clinging to power by any means necessary.

Part Six: The Australian Connection

This is the government that the Albanese government supports.

On February 28, Prime Minister Albanese swiftly backed the US-Israel strikes on Iran, stating that Iran’s nuclear program threatened global peace and that “we support the United States acting to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon”.

Foreign Minister Penny Wong reinforced the message, calling Iran “a regime that has been brutalising its own people” and noting that Australia has taken “action stronger than any previous Australian government”.

The government has also sanctioned Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich for inciting violence and promoting illegal settlements. But these are targeted measures against individuals, not a reconsideration of the alliance itself.

Former Labor senator Doug Cameron condemned his own party’s position:

“Albanese’s backing of Israeli and US attacks on Iran shows that we are completely devoid of acting independently from Trump and Netanyahu. There was a time when Labor pursued peace, not war. That time is long gone.” 

The Greens’ defence spokesperson David Shoebridge posted: “Australia’s support of Trump and Netanyahu’s illegal attack is disgraceful”.

Yet the government continues. The alliance holds. The bodies pile up.

Part Seven: The Zionist Ideology Australia Protects

The ideology animating Israel’s government—and by extension, the actions Australia supports—is not merely political. It is a specific worldview that, in its extreme forms, regards Palestinian and now Iranian lives as expendable.

In Australia, this ideology is protected, even as its consequences are felt abroad.

The Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal recently ruled that the chant “All Zionists are terrorists” constitutes racial and religious vilification, finding it broadly targeted Jewish people rather than serving as legitimate political protest . The ruling noted that “a significant majority of Australian Jews identify as Zionists,” making the distinction between political ideology and personal identity impossible to sustain.

This is a complex reality. Criticism of the Israeli government is not antisemitism. But the wholesale delegitimization of Jewish self-determination—the conviction that the world’s only Jewish state should not exist—is a form of bigotry that Australian courts are now being asked to navigate.

Meanwhile, the government moves forward with compulsory “antisemitism training” for university staff, requiring “understanding of Jewish peoplehood, their attachment to Israel and identity beyond faith” . Critics warn this amounts to enforcing a specific political ideology on campus, with “significant” financial penalties for non-compliant universities.

Part Eight: Not Conspiracy – Confluence

This is not a conspiracy. It is something more mundane and more dangerous: a confluence of the like-minded and the indifferent.

Netanyahu, desperate to escape prosecution, finds common cause with Trump, who sees political advantage in backing him. The Australian government, anxious to demonstrate alliance loyalty and to send a strong message against antisemitism at home, falls into line. The Zionist lobby, well-organized and politically connected, ensures that criticism of Israeli policy remains marginalised.

No one needs to coordinate this. The incentives align naturally. The machine runs on its own.

And the cost is measured in lives.

Conclusion: Let Readers Draw Their Own Conclusions

We will not tell you what to think. We present only the facts:

· Netanyahu is on trial for corruption involving hundreds of thousands of dollars in gifts.

· He has rebranded a war of necessity as a “War of Revival” to obscure his own failures.

· He invokes biblical genocide to justify modern bombing campaigns.

· His own security chiefs admit there is no plan for victory.

· His coalition depends on extremists who celebrate destruction.

· The Australian government supports this, for reasons of alliance and domestic politics.

The reader must draw their own conclusions.

But as the bodies mount—in Gaza, in Lebanon, in Iran, in Israel—one question lingers:

At what point does supporting an ally become complicity in something else entirely?

Sources:

1. New Age BD, “Israel and next big war,” March 5, 2026

2. ABC News, “PM’s swift support for US-Israel strikes in Iran shows how times have changed,” March 2, 2026

3. Yerepouni Daily News / Times of Israel, “Australian tribunal rules ‘All Zionists are terrorists’ chant is unlawful,” February 26, 2026

4. Times of Israel, “Beware Netanyahu’s Orwellian ‘War of Revival’ doublespeak,” February 18, 2026

5. AIJAC, “Antizionism fuels the hatred of Jews,” March 2, 2026

6. The Nation, “Israel Is Using Its Genocidal Gaza Playbook on Iran,” March 6, 2026

7. The West Australian, “Labor grilled on Israel stance,” February 9, 2026

8. Café Pacific / Michael West Media, “Antisemitism training at universities. Labor’s march to authoritarianism,” February 19, 2026

9. The Nation, “Israel Is Using Its Genocidal Gaza Playbook on Iran,” March 6, 2026