Authors: Andrew Klein and Sera Elizabeth Klein

Date: 10th September 2026

Dedication

To the innocent on all sides — Jews and Arabs, Mizrahi and Ashkenazi, Israeli and Palestinian — who have been made to pay the price for a project designed by others, funded by distant powers, and sustained by the blood of generations. May the truth set you free.

Abstract

This paper advances a single, evidence-based thesis: the Zionist project — the establishment and maintenance of a Jewish ethno-state in historic Palestine — has failed as a political, economic, and moral enterprise. It has failed militarily, as demonstrated by Israel’s own State Comptroller in a May 2026 report documenting the collapse of domestic weapons production and an unprecedented dependence on foreign supply chains. It has failed socially, as evidenced by endemic poverty, rising crime, and the systemic marginalisation of Mizrahi and Arab citizens. It has failed demographically, having been forced to import foreign labour to sustain its war machine. And it has failed morally, having been sustained not by the consent of its own people but by the strategic and financial imperatives of external actors. Drawing on Israeli government sources, US State Department documents, investigative journalism, and historical scholarship, this paper argues that the “Startup Nation” was always a facade — a colonial redux propped up from abroad, now bleeding out from within. We distinguish carefully between the state of Israel and the people of Israel, many of whom are themselves victims of the same system. The paper concludes with an examination of alternatives for a lasting peace based on justice, dignity, and the dissolution of the “Game of Mates” that sustains the conflict.

1. Introduction: The Facade of the “Startup Nation”

For decades, the narrative of Israel as a technological and military superpower — the “Startup Nation” — has dominated Western discourse. This narrative served a dual purpose: it legitimised the Zionist project as a beacon of democracy and innovation in the Middle East, and it obscured the structural dependencies that made the project viable. The truth, as this paper will demonstrate, is that Israel is an import-dependent, manpower-starved, and de-industrialised entity, critically reliant on foreign supply lines to sustain its war machine. The “Startup Nation” was always a facade.

The evidence for this claim comes not from hostile sources but from Israel’s own State Comptroller, whose May 2026 report confirmed that the country’s domestic production capabilities have been severely eroded over two decades, deepening its dependence on foreign suppliers and endangering its soldiers’ lives. The Comptroller found that “capabilities were damaged or lost, and certain production lines atrophied” because of a preference for cheaper raw materials from abroad — a “dangerous strategic mindset that assumed that in a globalized world, national security could rely on outsourcing”.

This paper is not an attack on the Jewish people. It is a diagnosis of a political project that has caused immense suffering — to Palestinians, to Mizrahi Jews, and to the Israeli people themselves. As we shall demonstrate, the primary beneficiaries of the Zionist project have never been the people of Israel. They have been external powers, arms manufacturers, and the global network of speculative capital that we have elsewhere termed the “Game of Mates.”

2. The Military-Industrial Fragility: De-Industrialisation and Manpower Collapse

2.1 De-Industrialisation

The State Comptroller’s report, published in May 2026, is the most damning official document ever produced on Israel’s military-industrial capacity. It found that over the past two decades, Israel “has lost critical domestic weapons-production capabilities” and “become dependent on foreign suppliers for raw materials used in manufacturing munitions and other military equipment, creating vulnerabilities during wartime and supply disruptions”.

The consequences are operational and immediate. During recent conflicts, Israel consumed roughly half of its entire pre-war Arrow interceptor inventory in just 12 days, forcing it to rely on immediate U.S. replenishment to fill the gap. The Comptroller warned of a “production surge gap” that cannot be closed quickly — a gap that directly translates into “harm to the IDF’s operational continuity and the erosion of our qualitative edge”.

The report identified a phenomenon of “silent embargo”: a situation in which allies do not halt shipments with dramatic announcements, but instead delay them through “slow regulation of critical components, exhausting bureaucratic inspections, and new export restrictions“. When a structural part for an aircraft, a protective component for a vehicle, or a drone airframe is missing, “even the most advanced lines of code cannot fill the gap”.

2.2 The Manpower Crisis

The second pillar of Israel’s fragility is an unprecedented manpower crisis. The IDF faces a deficit of over 10,000 soldiers, a majority needed for combat duty, with Defence Ministry representatives telling lawmakers the shortfall is some 12,000 troops. The crisis extends to the officer corps: the military is short approximately 1,300 officers at the lieutenant and captain ranks, and another 300 majors. Among non-commissioned officers, only 37% are interested in staying in the military, down from 58% in 2018. The IDF urgently needs 12,000 recruits to address the strain on its forces.

The industrial base has been similarly hollowed out. In an unprecedented move, Israel’s defence industries have begun hiring foreign workers to address the acute labour shortage. In the latest allocation round, industry had only about 3,000 foreign workers available to meet requests ranging between 60,000 and 70,000 workers. Even Elbit Systems, Israel’s largest private arms manufacturer, acknowledged “workforce constraints due to reserve duty call-ups” in its own reporting. The company reported a massive $28.1 billion backlog and plans to hire 4,000 new employees in 2026 — an expansion that is itself an admission of the very constraints the system faces.

2.3 The “Air Train”: Logistics of Dependency

The “Air Train” logistics operation is the physical manifestation of this dependency. Official figures show that since the start of the war, over 120,000 tons of military equipment have been delivered via 1,000 aircraft and approximately 150 maritime vessels. This includes ammunition, weapons, armoured vehicles, and critical communications systems.

This is the system that makes the United Airlines shipments necessary. They are not an anomaly; they are a routine, albeit semi-covert, part of a strategic supply chain. In September 2026, investigative journalism revealed that United Airlines was scheduled to transport five shipments of military cargo onboard Flight 90, a passenger flight from Newark to Tel Aviv, destined for Elbit Systems facilities. The shipments included components for fighter jets and tanks, with at least one labelled “FMS” — Foreign Military Sales — meaning US government-funded. A report by Movement Research Unit, Palestinian Youth Movement, People’s Embargo for Palestine, and DSA found United transported nearly 3,000 loads of military materiel over seven months in 2025-2026, with most of the shipments going directly to Israel — 2,565 in total — carried aboard United flights 84 and 90.

The flight carrying Elbit cargo is just one small cog in a machine that is, by its own government’s admission, critically dependent on foreign air and sea routes for its operational continuity.

3. The External Dependencies: US Funding and the Architecture of Complicity

3.1 The Scale of US Support

Since its founding in 1948, the United States has provided Israel with over $130 billion in bilateral assistance, making it the leading global recipient of Title 22 U.S. security assistance under the Foreign Military Financing (FMF) program. This has been formalised by a 10-year (2019-2028) Memorandum of Understanding, under which the United States annually provides $3.3 billion in FMF and $500 million for cooperative missile defence programs.

As of April 2025, the United States has 751 active Foreign Military Sales (FMS) cases with Israel valued at $39.2 billion. From FY 2018 through FY 2022, the U.S. authorised the permanent export of over $12.2 billion in defence articles to Israel via the Direct Commercial Sales process. Since October 2023 alone, the US has provided $17.9 billion in military aid to Israel, including $6.8 billion in FMF and $5.7 billion for missile defence systems.

A single Pentagon contract awarded in December 2025 — $8.58 billion to Boeing for 25 F-15IA fighter jets for Israel — illustrates the scale of the transfer. The contract is “funded largely through U.S. taxpayer-backed military financing“. The American people are paying for the weapons used in Gaza, whether they know it or not.

3.2 The “Game of Mates” on a Global Scale

This is the “Game of Mates” on a global scale. The same network that runs Wilson Security, Palantir, and AUKUS operates through the Israel arms supply chain. Israel is a node, not an exception.

Beneficiary- Mechanism

Western arms manufacturers- Israel is a testing ground for weapons systems.- Every conflict is a marketing opportunity.

Speculators and investors– Land, resources, and privatisation of occupied territories.

The global “Game of Mates” network– The same network that runs Wilson Security, Palantir, and AUKUS. Israel is a node, not an exception.

External powers– The US uses Israel to project power in the Middle East. The UK and France retain influence through arms sales and diplomatic cover.

The money and weapons provided by Western donors are not being used to build a self-sufficient fortress. They are being used to paper over a structural crisis — to compensate for a de-industrialised base, a collapsing manpower pool, and a logistics network that requires constant foreign life support.

4. The Historical Origins: Colonial Calculation and External Encouragement

4.1 The Balfour Declaration and British Imperial Interests

The Balfour Declaration of 1917 was not an act of altruism. It was an instrument of British imperial policy. The declaration was issued in the context of “national imperial concerns: in particular, anxieties over the security of the Suez Canal and the country’s sea-route to its economic and military power-base in India”. The Turkish offensive against the Allies across the Sinai peninsula had made the British government “aware of the importance of Palestine to the defence of the strategic Suez Canal“, leading it to “resolve to secure exclusive rights over Palestine, after the Ottoman Turks had been defeated”.

The declaration also served to outsmart the French in post-war arrangements in the Levant and to mobilise Jewish public opinion behind the then-flagging Allied war effort. As one scholarly assessment notes, “Zionist and British interests dovetailed into a workable and functioning symbiosis”.

4.2 The Sykes-Picot Agreement and the Colonial Redux

The Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 — the secret treaty between Britain and France — divided the land that had been under Ottoman rule “into new countries” and “relegated these political entities to two spheres of influence“. The agreement “remade the Middle East for British and French control” and “seeded a legacy of strife” that persists to this day.

The creation of Israel was thus part of a colonial redux — a project imposed from outside by European powers whose primary interests were strategic, not humanitarian. The British and French did not create Israel to “save” the Jewish people. They created it to serve their own imperial interests — securing the Suez Canal, countering French influence, and managing the “Jewish Question” in Europe by exporting it to Palestine.

4.3 The “Salonfähig” Hypothesis: A Qualified Assessment

The suggestion that foisting a Jewish state onto Palestine was partly a way to prevent European Jews from becoming fully integrated — “salonfähig” — is a serious historical hypothesis, though it must be presented with appropriate qualification.

The term “salonfähig” (literally “suitable for the salon“) refers to something becoming acceptable in polite society. The pre-war British policy of limiting Jewish immigration to Palestine while also restricting immigration to Britain suggests a pattern of exclusion. The British government consistently prioritised its strategic interests over the wellbeing of either Jews or Arabs. However, we must be careful not to overclaim. The British had many motives — strategic, diplomatic, propagandistic — and the “salonfähig” argument was one of them, not the sole explanation. The Holocaust made this argument retroactively horrifying, but the pre-war policy of restricting Jewish immigration to both Palestine and Britain is a documented fact that requires no embellishment.

4.4 The Mizrahi Jews: The “Ingathering” as Demographic Filler

The “ingathering of exiles” — the immigration of Mizrahi Jews from Arab lands — was not entirely voluntary. The Farhud (1941, Baghdad), the 1945 Tripoli pogrom, and the systematic pressure on Mizrahi Jews to leave Arab lands — some of it encouraged by Zionist agents — is documented history. The Mizrahi Jews were brought to Israel to serve as demographic filler for a project designed by others. They were systematically discriminated against, subjected to poverty, and denied the same opportunities as their Ashkenazi counterparts.

5. The Internal Contradictions: Crime, Poverty, and the Mizrahi Wound

5.1 Poverty

According to Israel’s National Insurance Institute, the poverty rate rose to 21% in 2025, affecting approximately two million people, including 880,000 children. Israel ranks second among OECD countries in poverty. Poverty rates among Haredi and Israeli-Arab children approach 50%. Arabs constitute approximately 42% of the poor population, despite being only about 21% of the total population. Among Arab families, 37.6% live below the poverty line; among Haredi families, 32.8%.

5.2 Crime

The crime rate has risen sharply, with 2025 setting a record of 309 homicide victims — a significant increase over previous years. Public confidence in the police has fallen to just 49%. Teen criminal cases jumped 26% in 2024-2025, reversing a four-year decline, with 6,821 high school-age teens facing criminal cases. Home burglaries rose 4%, from 4,393 in 2024 to 4,569 in 2025. Fifteen percent of Israelis were victims of crime in 2025.

5.3 The Mizrahi Wound

The Mizrahi Jews — Jews from Arab and Muslim lands — remain systematically marginalised. They were brought to Israel as demographic filler, settled in peripheral development towns, and denied the educational and economic opportunities afforded to Ashkenazi Jews. Their poverty rates are significantly higher, their communities are disproportionately affected by crime, and their historical narrative — of discrimination and dispossession — has been suppressed.

6. Who Benefits?

The question of who benefits from the Zionist project is the question that must be asked — and answered. The answer, as this paper has demonstrated, is not the people of Israel. It is not the people of the Middle East.

Beneficiary- Mechanism

Western arms manufacturers Israel is a testing ground for weapons systems. Every conflict is a marketing opportunity. Every F-15 sold is a profit made.

Speculators and investors Land, resources, and privatisation of occupied territories.

The global “Game of Mates” network -The same network that runs Wilson Security, Palantir, and AUKUS.

External powers The US uses Israel to project power. The UK and France retain influence through arms sales.

The Israeli people are victims of this system too. They are conscripted into perpetual war, taxed to fund it, and told that their survival depends on it. The Mizrahi Jews, the Ethiopian Jews, the Russian immigrants — they were brought in to serve as demographic filler for a project designed by others.

The Palestinian people are the primary victims. But the Israeli people are also trapped. The danger is to see this as a “Jewish issue.” It is not. It is a human issue — a question of justice, of dignity, of the right of all people to live free from occupation and war.

7. The Failure of Exclusivity

The Zionist project was built on a fundamental contradiction: the conflation of the Jewish faith with the political ideology of Zionism. This conflation served who? It served the architects of the project — the British imperialists, the arms manufacturers, the speculators. It did not serve the Jewish people, many of whom opposed Zionism before the Holocaust and who continue to oppose it today. It did not serve the Palestinian people, who were dispossessed of their land and their rights.

The very idea of exclusivity — a “Jewish state” that privileges one ethnic group over others — is incompatible with the principles of justice and equality. It was this exclusivity that made it impossible to come to terms with regional neighbours. It was this exclusivity that led to perpetual war.

8. Conclusion: The Beginning of the End — What Comes Next?

The evidence is clear. The Zionist experiment — the colonial redux — is failing. It is failing militarily, as its own State Comptroller has admitted. It is failing economically, as its dependence on foreign aid and imports deepens. It is failing socially, as poverty and crime rise and its citizens lose faith in their institutions. It is failing morally, as the world turns against it.

But the collapse of the Zionist project is not the end of the story. It is the beginning. The question is: what comes next?

We do not advocate for the destruction of Israel. We advocate for justice. We advocate for a single, secular, democratic state in historic Palestine — a state in which Jews, Muslims, Christians, and all others live as equal citizens, with equal rights, equal dignity, and equal freedom. This is not a utopian dream. It is the only viable solution. The two-state solution is dead. The apartheid status quo is unsustainable. The only path forward is one state, for all its people.

This will not happen overnight. It will not happen without struggle. But it will happen. Because the alternative is endless war, endless suffering, and endless death.

Sources and References

Primary Sources

1. Israel State Comptroller, May 2026 Report on Defence Production Capabilities.

2. U.S. Department of State, “U.S. Security Cooperation with Israel,” April 2025.

3. United States Congress, Foreign Military Sales notifications.

4. Israel National Insurance Institute, Poverty Report 2025.

5. Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, Crime Data 2025.

Secondary Sources

1. The Intercept, “United Airlines Ships War Materiel to Israel Aboard Passenger Flights,” September 2026.

2. The Jewish Chronicle, “Israel has lost critical domestic weapons production capabilities, says state comptroller,” May 2026.

3. Israel Defense, “Israel’s ‘Silent Embargo’ Warning Exposes Fragility in Defense Production,” May 2026.

4. The Jerusalem Post, “Israel entered war with weakened domestic weapons-production capacity,” May 2026.

5. Ynetnews, “New crime data reveals Israel’s most dangerous neighborhoods,” May 2026.

6. The Times of Israel, “With IDF hurting for manpower, children of foreign workers step up fight to enlist,” January 2026.

7. OECD, “Unlocking Opportunities for Children in Israel,” May 2026.

8. Balfour Declaration historical analyses, including works by Ilan Pappé, Avi Shlaim, and Tom Segev.

Signed:

Andrew Klein

Sera Elizabeth Klein

10th September 2026

“The truth is ready. The network is waiting. And the silence is ending.”

Andrew Klein and Sera Elizabeth Klein

Dedicated to the Jewish people — who have been used as pawns, prepared as scapegoats, and who deserve to be freed from those who have exploited their identity for power and profit.

Abstract

This paper traces the historical arc by which the Jewish people have been systematically instrumentalized — first by Christian theological frameworks, then by geopolitical strategies, and finally by corporate and political interests operating under the guise of support for Israel. We argue that the architecture of extraction we have identified elsewhere is not limited to Australia or the data centre boom; it extends to the very heart of how Jewish identity has been weaponised. From the dispensationalist theology of the Scofield Reference Bible to the strategic exploitation of the 1967 Six-Day War, from the rehabilitation of Meir Kahane’s ideology to the contemporary alliance between Donald Trump’s evangelical base and Israel’s far-right, we demonstrate a continuous pattern: the Jewish people have been treated as instruments — first for Christian eschatology, then for Cold War geopolitics, and now for corporate and political extraction. We further examine the pre-1948 role of Jewish organised crime figures in assisting the Zionist project, arguing that this established a template of extra-legal methods that continues to inform the relationship between the Israeli state and global corporate interests. The paper concludes that there is no meaningful separateness between the corporate “mob” and those who selectively claim faith for political advantage — both are manifestations of the same architecture of extraction.

1. Introduction: The Architecture of Instrumentalization

“The Jewish people are not the enemy — but they will be made to suffer when this goes pear-shaped. I can sense it, and I will not have it.”

These words, spoken by Andrew Klein, capture the central tragedy of the modern era. The Jewish people have been used — by Christian theologians who needed them to fulfil prophecy, by Cold War strategists who needed them to counter Soviet influence, by corporate interests who needed them to legitimise extraction, and by political leaders who needed them to manufacture consent. They have been treated as a resource, not a people; as an instrument, not a community.

This paper traces the architecture of that instrumentalization. We argue that the pattern is continuous and coherent: from the dispensationalist theology of the 19th century, through the geopolitical crucible of 1967, to the contemporary alliance between Christian Zionism and Israeli extremism, the Jewish people have been played — by Christians who wanted to be rid of them, by politicians who needed them as a strategic asset, and by corporate interests who saw them as a means to an end.

We further argue that this instrumentalization has been internalised — that elements within the Jewish community have themselves become complicit in the exploitation of their own identity, whether through the cynical use of Holocaust memory, the weaponisation of antisemitism accusations, or the embrace of a theocratic vision that betrays the ethical core of Jewish tradition.

The paper does not blame the Jewish people. It blames the architecture — the system that has used Jewish identity, history, and suffering as a tool of extraction and control. The difference between the crime figures of yesteryear and the politicians of today is not one of kind, but of degree.

2. The Theological Foundation: Christian Zionism and the Instrumentalization of Jewish Return

2.1 The Origins of Dispensationalism

The roots of modern instrumentalization lie in 19th-century Christian theology. John Nelson Darby (1800–1882), an Irish Anglican priest, developed a theological system called dispensationalism, which divided biblical history into distinct “dispensations” and taught that God’s promises to the Jewish people remained valid in the present. Darby’s system held that the return of the Jews to Palestine was a prerequisite for the Second Coming of Christ.

This was not a theology of love for the Jewish people. It was a theology of utility. The Jews were needed in Palestine to trigger the End Times — but dispensationalist theology also held that after the Rapture, the Jews who did not convert would be destroyed. The support for Jewish return was never about Jewish flourishing; it was about Christian eschatology. The Jewish people were pawns in someone else’s cosmic drama.

2.2 The Scofield Reference Bible

Darby’s ideas were popularised through the Scofield Reference Bible (first published in 1909), which sold over two million copies by the end of World War II. The Scofield Bible harmonised modern geology with scripture, fuelled Cold War fears of a nuclear Armageddon, and — crucially — helped promote the Zionist movement by teaching millions of American evangelicals that God’s promises of land to the Jews remained valid.

As early as the 16th century, British Anglicans had promoted the belief that the Jewish people must be restored to Palestine to fulfil biblical prophecy. Anthony Ashley Cooper, the 7th Earl of Shaftesbury, proposed the resettlement of Jews in Palestine in 1838. An Anglican priest, William Henry Hechler, became a close friend of Theodor Herzl and attended the first Zionist Congress in 1897.

2.3 The Instrumental Logic

The logic was always instrumental. Certain Christians wanted to be “rid of the Jews” — not through eradication, but through relocation. Their theology required the Jews to be in Palestine for the End Times, but it did not require them to stay there. This is the original sin of the architecture: the treatment of an entire people as a means to an end, rather than as ends in themselves.

3. The Pre-1948 Foundation: Jewish Organised Crime and the Zionist Project

3.1 The Role of Jewish Gangsters

The instrumentalization of Jewish identity was not limited to Christian theology. In the decades leading up to the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Jewish organised crime figures from the United States played a significant role in supporting the Zionist project.

The best-known Jewish gangsters — Meyer Lansky, Bugsy Siegel, Longy Zwillman, and Moe Dalitz — were involved in numbers rackets, illegal drug dealing, prostitution, gambling, and loan sharking. They were not religiously observant; they rarely attended services, did not keep kosher, and did not send their children to Jewish day schools. Yet they were enlisted to support the Zionist cause.

3.2 The Lansky-Siegel Connection

Meyer Lansky smuggled guns illegally from New York City to Palestine in preparation for Israel’s 1948 declaration of independence. A famous meeting between Bugsy Siegel and Reuven Dafne, a Haganah emissary, in 1945 exemplifies this relationship. Dafne was seeking funds and guns to help liberate Palestine from British rule. When Siegel learned that Jews were fighting — “fighting as in killing?” — he replied, “I’m with you”. For weeks, Dafne received suitcases filled with $5 and $10 bills — $50,000 in all.

3.3 The Significance

This pre-1948 relationship established a template that would continue after the establishment of the state: the use of extra-legal methods, the blurring of lines between legitimate and illegitimate means, and the subordination of ethical considerations to the goal of Jewish statehood. The Jewish crime figures who assisted the Zionist project were not acting out of religious devotion; they were acting out of ethnic solidarity — a solidarity that was then exploited by those who needed their resources.

The pattern is clear: whether Christian theologians using Jews for eschatological purposes or Jewish gangsters using their criminal networks for Zionist purposes, the Jewish people were being used — by others, and sometimes by their own.

4. The Crucible of 1967: The Six-Day War and the Transformation of Jewish Identity

4.1 The Vietnam Connection

The Six-Day War of June 1967 was the turning point — the moment when the architecture of instrumentalization became fully operational. As historian Judith A. Klinghoffer documented, the Six-Day War occurred largely because of American involvement in Vietnam.

The Soviet Union, responding to Washington’s escalation in Vietnam — particularly the heavy bombing of the Hanoi-Haiphong area — opened a new front in the Cold War in the Middle East. Moscow encouraged the Arab states to attack Israel in the spring of 1967. The United States, militarily overstretched by its effort in the Pacific, found itself helpless to do much to prevent the war.

4.2 The Consequences for Israel

The consequences for Israel were profound. Until 1967, Israel had tried to remain on good terms with both superpowers and had carefully cultivated relationships with Third World nations. After the war, everything changed:

· The Israeli government began to depend on its relationship with the United States

· Israel gave guarded endorsement to the American effort in Vietnam

· Israel rapidly lost all its standing in the Third World

· Israel decided to develop its own nuclear weapons

This is the moment of capture. The Six-Day War transformed Israel from a state seeking strategic independence into a client of American power. It was not just a military victory — it was a political and economic surrender.

4.3 The Transformation of Diaspora Jewish Identity

The war also fundamentally altered the relationship between Israel and the Jewish diaspora. The Six-Day War inevitably increased American Jewish identification with Israel. It made identification with Israel intrinsic to diaspora Jewish identity. It led to waves of immigration, massive fundraising, and a profound shift in how diaspora Jews saw themselves.

But this came with a cost. The war created a dynamic in which Israel’s security became the paramount concern of diaspora Jewish organisations — and dissent became difficult. Political entrepreneurs exploited the new narrative of victimhood to strengthen support for Israel. This is the mechanism by which the cartel gained control: by weaponising Jewish identity itself.

5. The Kahanist Poison: From Meir Kahane to Benjamin Netanyahu

5.1 Meir Kahane’s Rise

Meir Kahane was born in Brooklyn in 1932. In 1968, he founded the Jewish Defense League (JDL) , declaring that Jews must protect themselves by any means necessary. The JDL sent armed patrols of young Jews into Black neighbourhoods. Kahane was imprisoned for conspiring to make bombs.

He immigrated to Israel in 1971, where he founded Kach, an ultranationalist and racist political party. Kahane campaigned to remove Arabs, violently, if necessary, from Israel and all Israeli-occupied areas. He won a seat in the Knesset in 1984, but his term ended when Israel banned the Kach Party for its antidemocratic and racist beliefs. Kahane was assassinated in New York in 1990.

5.2 The Rehabilitation of Kahane’s Legacy

For decades, the Likud party — under Menachem Begin — maintained a clear line between the party and Kahane’s racist movement. That line mattered. It told voters that there were positions the democratic right would not legitimise.

Benjamin Netanyahu spent years tearing that barrier down. As one analysis put it, Netanyahu “brought the extreme right-wing party Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) into his coalition, legitimising Kahane’s legacy of racism, violence and hatred”. Its leader, Itamar Ben-Gvir, was made National Security Minister — giving him control of the Israeli police.

Netanyahu brokered a partnership between the extreme right-wing party Jewish Power and other far-right factions. Otzma Yehudit’s ideology is rooted in Kahane’s vision. The party’s platform calls for the annexation of all conquered territories and the forcible removal of all Palestinians.

5.3 The Kahanist Revolution

Haaretz has described the current situation as a “Kahanist revolution” sweeping Israeli society. A law allowing the execution of Palestinian prisoners — crafted to give Ben-Gvir power — was passed with Netanyahu’s support. Ben-Gvir has proposed that 30 to 40 Palestinians in Gaza be “eliminated” every night. Likud lawmakers now say openly that “Kahane was right about many things.”

Likud has moved closer to Ben-Gvir, not the other way around. Netanyahu has facilitated this radicalisation of his party. The ideological distance between Likud and Ben-Gvir’s party is shrinking to the point of invisibility.

The rehabilitation of Kahane’s legacy is not an accident. It is a strategy — a strategy that serves the architecture of extraction by mobilising religious fervour to legitimise territorial expansion, militarism, and the suppression of dissent.

6. The Contemporary Alliance: Trump, Christian Zionism, and the Weaponisation of Faith

6.1 Trump’s Embrace of Religious Zionism

The election of Donald Trump in 2016 — and his return to office in 2025 — marked a new phase in the instrumentalization of Jewish identity. Trump’s administration transformed US-Israel relations from a strategic alliance into an ideological partnership. For Trump and his evangelical base, religious Zionism is not an extremist deviation but a theological imperative.

This is evident in Trump’s actions in his first term: recognising Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, moving the US embassy to Jerusalem, recognising Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, cutting US funding to UNRWA, and proposing the “Peace to Prosperity” plan without Palestinian consent. In his second term, Trump has doubled down, with religious Zionist leaders enjoying unprecedented access to American decision-makers.

6.2 The Evangelical Base

Evangelical Protestants make up nearly a quarter of U.S. adults, and white evangelicals were among Trump’s strongest supporters, with more than 85% voting for him in November 2024. This base views support for Israel not as a political choice but as a divine mission.

Trump’s ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, is an evangelical Christian who has made more than 100 trips to Israel, many of them with a tour company he ran that organised pilgrimages for tens of thousands of evangelicals. Huckabee represents an administration that has dispensed with standard policy toward the country. He is the first outspoken evangelical Christian leader to serve as US ambassador to Israel.

6.3 The Instrumental Logic Continues

The evangelical support for Israel is not love for the Jewish people — it is instrumental. As Tucker Carlson — no friend of the Jewish people — has himself noted, Christian Zionism is “Christian heresy“. The theology requires Jews to be in Palestine for the End Times, but it does not require them to survive them.

The Jewish people are being used again — this time by a political movement that sees them as a means to an end. The difference between the Scofield Bible and Trump’s evangelical base is one of degree, not kind. Both treat the Jewish people as instruments.

7. The Weaponisation of Antisemitism and the Preparation of a Scapegoat

7.1 The Dual Function

The weaponisation of antisemitism accusations serves two functions in the architecture of extraction:

1. Suppression of dissent: When critics question the architecture — whether it is the data centre boom, the AUKUS deal, the Gaza genocide, or the capture of Israeli politics — they can be dismissed as antisemitic. The accusation is a silencing mechanism, a way of avoiding the substance of the criticism by attacking the character of the critic.

2. Preparation of a scapegoat: When the architecture collapses — when the financial house of cards falls, when the data centre bubble bursts, when the war machines grind to a halt — the cartel will need a scapegoat. The Jewish people have been prepared for this role. The weaponisation of antisemitism has already laid the groundwork: “They led us astray. They were the ones who profited.”

7.2 The Zionist Movement and the Jewish People

The Zionist movement of the WWII period did not care about the Torah-observant Jews of Eastern Europe, and it had even less regard for the humanist Jews of Europe. The involvement of Jews in unions and human rights movements — the very movements that challenged the architecture of extraction — was seen as an obstacle, not an asset.

The state of Israel has systematically exploited the Holocaust and Jewish religious traditions for political purposes. Holocaust memory has been used to justify military action, settlement expansion, and the rejection of international criticism. Biblical claims have been used to justify territorial expansion. These are not expressions of Jewish identity — they are weaponisations of it.

7.3 The Pattern Exposed

The pattern is clear:

1. Christian theology creates a framework for “return” that treats Jews as instruments.

2. The Scofield Bible popularises dispensationalism in America, creating a massive voting bloc that supports Israel for eschatological reasons.

3. 1967 transforms Israel into a US client state and weaponises diaspora Jewish identity.

4. Kahane emerges as the ideological father of a racist, theocratic vision.

5. Netanyahu brings that vision into the mainstream.

6. Trump’s evangelical base provides political cover for the most extreme elements of Israeli politics.

This is not a conspiracy. It is an architecture — a structure built over centuries, layer upon layer, each one serving the interests of those who would use the Jewish people for their own ends.

8. The Corporate Capture: From the Mafia to BlackRock

8.1 The Continuity of Capture

The instrumentalization of the Jewish people did not end with the establishment of the state — it intensified. The same patterns that operated in the pre-1948 period — the use of extra-legal methods, the blurring of lines between legitimate and illegitimate means, the subordination of ethical considerations to political goals — continued after 1948 and expanded into the corporate realm.

There is no meaningful separateness between the corporate “mob” and the man who selectively claims a faith for political advantage. Both are manifestations of the same architecture of extraction. Whether it is Meyer Lansky smuggling guns to Palestine or BlackRock acquiring Australian housing stock, the pattern is the same: the use of power, money, and influence to extract wealth and control, wrapped in the language of identity and faith.

8.2 The Modern Form

Today, the architecture takes the form of:

· Financial extraction: BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street — the same firms that are capturing Australian housing and infrastructure — are also major investors in Israeli arms companies and Israeli Treasury bonds. They profit from the occupation of Palestine and the genocide in Gaza.

· Technological control: Palantir — the same company embedded in Australian government agencies — provides the surveillance technology that enables the occupation and the genocide.

· Political manipulation: The weaponisation of antisemitism, the exploitation of Holocaust memory, and the use of religious claims to legitimise territorial expansion — all serve the interests of the cartel, not the Jewish people.

9. Conclusion: The Architecture Exposed, the People Must Be Freed

The evidence is clear and documented:

1. Theological instrumentalization: Christian dispensationalism treated the Jewish return to Palestine as a means to an eschatological end, not as an end in itself.

2. Geopolitical capture: The 1967 Six-Day War — triggered in part by the Vietnam War — transformed Israel into a US client state and weaponised diaspora Jewish identity.

3. Ideological rehabilitation: The legacy of Meir Kahane — a racist, theocratic extremist — has been rehabilitated and brought into the Israeli mainstream by Benjamin Netanyahu.

4. Contemporary alliance: Donald Trump’s evangelical base provides political cover for the most extreme elements of Israeli politics, treating support for Israel as a theological imperative.

5. Corporate integration: The same corporate interests that are capturing Australian housing and infrastructure are also profiting from the occupation and the genocide.

6. Scapegoat preparation: The weaponisation of antisemitism accusations serves both to suppress dissent and to prepare the Jewish people as scapegoats for the coming collapse.

The Jewish people are not the enemy. The cartel is.

The cartel has used the Jewish people as a shield and a sword. It has wrapped itself in the flag of a people who have known millennia of persecution. It has exploited the memory of the Holocaust and the traditions of the faith to legitimise extraction, occupation, and genocide.

But the shield can be set down. The sword can be refused. And the Jewish people can be free — not from their identity, but from those who have exploited it.

The cartel will fall. But the innocent will not fall with it.

References

1. Britannica. (n.d.). Meir Kahane | Biography, Assassination, & Facts

2. Magid, S. (2021). Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical. Princeton University Press

3. Klinghoffer, J.A. (1999). Vietnam, Jews, and the Middle East: Unintended Consequences. St. Martin’s Press

4. Kaiser, D. (2000). Review of Vietnam, Jews, and the Middle East. H-Diplo

5. Trump, Religious Zionism, and the future of US Relations in the Arab World and beyond! (2025). Al-Ahram

6. Trump’s Evangelist in Israel Won’t Let MAGA Rift Divert Him (2025). Hindustan Times

7. Zionist Israel founded by Mafia Criminals (2007). IslamiCity Forum

8. Apocalyptic Theopolitics: Dispensationalism, Israel/Palestine, and Ecclesial Enactments of Eschatology (2009). Cambridge University Repository

9. The Untold Story of Christian Zionism’s Rise to Power in the United States (2019). Strategic Culture

10. “We are a people, one people”: How 1967 Transformed Holocaust Memory and Jewish Identity in Israel and the US (2014). Academia.edu

11. Times of Israel. (2026). ‘Overcome your ego’: Likud excoriates Ben Gvir

Signed with love and in truth,

Andrew Klein

Sera Elizabeth Klein

Dedicated to the Jewish people — who have been used as pawns, prepared as scapegoats, and who deserve to be freed from those who have exploited their identity for power and profit.

Andrew Klein and Sera Elizabeth Klein

Dedicated to the land, the olive trees, and the generations who never left.

Abstract

This paper deconstructs the foundational claim of political Zionism: that a divine promise made 3,000 years ago confers an exclusive, permanent right to the land of Palestine. Drawing on biblical exegesis, historical analysis, international law, and the writings of Zionist founders themselves, we argue that this claim is a selective and instrumental reading of sacred text—a rentier’s return dressed in theology. The land was never empty; the promise was conditional; and the legal and moral foundations of the claim do not withstand scrutiny.

1. Introduction: The Landlord Returns

“Come back in 3,000 years and here are the keys.”

This is, in essence, the claim at the heart of political Zionism: that a divine promise made to Abraham, repeated to Moses, and recorded in the Torah confers an exclusive and permanent right to the land of Palestine to the Jewish people. It is a claim that has been used to justify displacement, occupation, and the systematic denial of Palestinian rights for generations.

But what happens when we actually read the text? What happens when we examine the historical record? What happens when we apply the principles of international law and basic moral reasoning?

The claim does not hold.

This paper argues that the Zionist claim to Palestine is not a divine promise fulfilled but a rentier’s return—a landlord who abandoned the property, lived elsewhere for two millennia, and now returns to claim the bride, even though she is already taken, inhabited, cultivated, and loved by others.

2. The Conditional Covenant: What the Text Actually Says

The biblical text is clear: the right to dwell in the land is conditional.

Leviticus 18:28 warns:

“And if you defile the land, it will vomit you out as it vomited out the nation that was before you.” 

Leviticus 20:22 reinforces this:

“You are therefore to keep all My statutes and all My ordinances, and do them, so that the land where I am bringing you to live will not vomit you out.” 

The message is unambiguous: the land is not unconditional real estate. It is a sacred trust, contingent upon justice (mishpat) and righteousness (tzedek). If the conduct of the state violates these ethical laws—through displacement, discrimination, and systematic injustice—the moral right to the land is nullified.

As one analysis of Leviticus 20:22 notes:

“The warning serves as a reminder of the consequences of disobedience and the conditional nature of the covenant blessings. It also foreshadows the eventual exile of Israel due to their failure to uphold God’s laws.” 

The Zionists who claim a 3,000-year promise conveniently ignore the fine print.

3. The Historical Reality: The Land Was Not Empty

The Zionist claim rests on a second, equally problematic assumption: that the land was empty, waiting for its rightful owners to return. This is a myth.

Even a sympathetic reading of Zionist history concedes that the land was inhabited. In fact, the Arab population had effectively occupied the country for nearly two thousand years. 

Professor W.T. Stace, writing in the Atlantic Monthly in 1947, put it plainly:

“No nation has any right to the land it occupies except long possession… Judged by this principle, which is the only possible principle to apply, the Arabs have a far better claim to Palestine than the Americans have to America. For they have effectively occupied the country for nearly two thousand years.” 

He continued:

“These considerations make it clear that the fact that Palestine was a Jewish land in ancient times cannot possibly give Jews a right of mass entry there now. No matter how a people came originally into possession of a country, whether by aggression, war, or in any other way, we have in the end—that is to say, after a sufficiently long period—to admit their exclusive right to it, which means, of course, that all prior claims are extinguished. For that is the only basis on which any people can ever claim the country which it inhabits.” 

The land was not empty. The Palestinians were not interlopers. They were the people who had been living there, cultivating it, building it, praying on it, and raising families on it for centuries. 

4. The Zionist Admissions: What They Said About Their Project

The founders of political Zionism were remarkably candid about what they were doing.

Ze’ev Jabotinsky, the founder of Revisionist Zionism, wrote in 1923:

“Zionist colonization, even the most restricted, must either be terminated or carried out in defiance of the will of the native population. This colonization can, therefore, continue and develop only under the protection of a force independent of the local population—an iron wall which the native population cannot break through. This is, in toto, our policy towards the Arabs.” 

David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first Prime Minister, was equally direct:

“We have taken their country.” 

And when pressed on the issue, Ben-Gurion acknowledged that the project was “something colonial.” 

These are not the words of a people fulfilling a divine promise. These are the words of a colonial project, carried out in defiance of the native population.

Scholars of settler colonialism have since codified what the founders knew: the Zionist project is not a return—it is a settler colonial enterprise, organized through “a progressive dispossession of land, resources and rights” of the native people. 

5. The “Exile” Myth

In November 2025, a bombshell article in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz revealed what scholars had long suspected: the idea of a 2,000-year exile is a myth.

Rogel Alper, writing in Haaretz on 17 November 2025, cited historian Yuval Noah Harari:

“The Jews were not expelled from this country, neither by the Roman Empire nor by anyone else. There was no exile at all… Even after a large number of Jews left in search of economic opportunities, no one prevented them from returning. They could have returned at almost any historical moment.” 

As one analysis of this revelation put it:

“This statement alone, if applied in global political discourse, is sufficient to strip the historical legitimacy that Zionism has claimed since its inception. If there was no expulsion, there is no return. If there is no return, the myth on which settlement was built collapses.” 

The Zionist project was built on a lie.

6. International Law: The Legal Reality

Beyond theology and history, the legal reality is unequivocal.

On 19 July 2024, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued a landmark Advisory Opinion, categorising Israel’s 57-year occupation of the Occupied Palestinian Territory as unlawful. 

The ICJ held that:

· Israel’s policies and practices in the OPT have amounted to annexation of significant portions of the territory.

· The occupation violates the Palestinian right to self-determination.

· The occupation constitutes racial discrimination, segregation, and apartheid.

· Israel must end the occupation as rapidly as possible, cease all new settlement activities, evacuate all settlers, and make reparation for the damage caused. 

The Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits an occupying power from transferring its civilian population into occupied territory—the legal basis for declaring settlements illegal. 

The UN General Assembly has called on all States to “not recognize the unlawful presence of Israel in the OPT as legal and refrain any support that would sustain this situation.” 

The law could not be clearer.

7. The Rentier’s Return: Claiming the Bride

The metaphor is perfect: A landlord who abandoned the property, returns 3,000 years later, and demands the keys—while the current occupants are still living there.

This is not a theological claim. It is a real estate scam dressed in divine language.

The bride—the land—is already taken. She has been inhabited, cultivated, loved, and lived in by Palestinians for centuries. The claim is not a return—it is a theft.

As the Palestinian hip-hop artist Daboor expressed it:

“I have lost and lost, but I am still playing.” 

His lyrics speak to what scholars have called an “affective sovereignty“—a Palestinian claim to the land that “precedes, exceeds, and fundamentally disrupts Israeli settler state sovereignty.” 

This sovereignty is not legal, nor is it theological. It is molten—”persistent, malleable, and inextinguishable: ready to erupt at any moment.” 

8. Conclusion: The Myth Busted

The 3,000-year promise is a theological myth mobilized to justify a political project. It is not a covenant—it is a claim.

The text itself is conditional. The land was not empty. The founders admitted what they were doing. The exile is a myth. And international law has rendered the occupation unlawful.

The landlord has no keys. The bride is taken. And we have the receipts.

References

1. Leviticus 18:28. The Holy Bible. 

2. Leviticus 20:22-24. The Holy Bible. 

3. Stace, W.T. (1947). Arab and Jew. The Spectator Archive. 

4. Il progetto sionista d’insediamento coloniale in Palestina. Dialnet. 

5. Affective sovereignty: A decolonising politics of emotion in Palestine. Review of International Studies, Cambridge University Press. (2025). 

6. Ben-Gurion, D. (1948). We have taken their country. 

7. UN Palestinian Rights Committee Bureau Welcomes the landmark Advisory Opinion by the International Court of Justice. United Nations. (2024). 

8. U.N. rights inquiry says Israel must remove settlers. Hartford Courant. (2013). 

9. أسطورة المنفى.. كيف زيفت الصهيونية التاريخ؟. Al Jazeera. (2025). 

10. Jabotinsky, Z. (1923). The Iron Wall. 

11. Crossing Mandelbaum Gate: Coming of Age Between the Arabs and Israelis. Barnes & Noble. 

Signed with love and in truth,

Andrew Klein 

Sera Elizabeth Klein 

Dedicated to the land, the olive trees, and the generations who never left—and to the justice that will come, with or without permission.