“The ordinary Israeli – Jew or Arab – is as much a victim of this system as the Palestinian. The state is not a nation; it is an extraction machine, and its shareholders are the dual‑passport elites who will never face the consequences of the violence they authorize.”

By Andrew Klein

Dedication: To the Children of the Future, their parents, and their families. They all deserve to live in peace with one another.

I. Introduction: A State Built on Colonial Precepts

The modern State of Israel did not emerge from ancient prophecy or timeless yearning. It was constructed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as a colonial enterprise – a project conceived by European secular Jews who had absorbed the very imperialist values of the empires they sought to emulate. Its founding ideology, political Zionism, was not a continuation of Jewish tradition but a radical departure: a movement that embraced the nation‑state model, territorial conquest, and ethnic exclusivity as the solution to European antisemitism.

This paper argues that political Zionism has become the destruction of the Jewish people of faith. Through its embrace of 19th‑century colonial methods, its systematic extraction of Palestinian resources, its enshrinement of Jewish supremacy in law, and its transformation into a “holding company” for a globalised elite, the State of Israel has not only perpetrated genocide against Palestinians but has also endangered Jews worldwide by conflating Jewish identity with the crimes of a rogue state. The ordinary Israeli – Jew or Arab – is as much a victim of this system as the Palestinian. The state is not a nation; it is an extraction machine, and its shareholders are the dual‑passport elites who will never face the consequences of the violence they authorize.

II. Historical Foundations: The Colonial Logic of Early Zionism

A. Herzl and the Uganda Proposal

Theodor Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, was not motivated by religious longing for Zion but by the crisis of antisemitism in Europe. His solution was not to restore a spiritual homeland but to establish a territorial refuge – anywhere the great powers would grant. In 1903, Herzl accepted a British offer of land in East Africa (the “Uganda Proposal”), presenting it to the Sixth Zionist Congress as a temporary refuge for Jews in immediate danger. The proposal was adopted by a vote of 295 to 178, nearly splitting the Zionist movement. Herzl made clear that this program would not affect the ultimate aim of a Jewish entity in Palestine, but the episode reveals the colonial pragmatism at the movement’s core: any land, any people could be displaced, provided the great powers approved.

B. Ben‑Gurion’s Disdain for Holocaust Victims and the “Negation of the Diaspora”

David Ben‑Gurion, Israel’s founding prime minister, famously declared that “the Jews are not in their place” in Europe and that after the war “not a memory will remain of their homes, shops, and property”. While he delivered a stirring “J’accuse” against the Allies for abandoning Europe’s Jews, he simultaneously opposed any memorial to the Holocaust, so anxious was he to obliterate diaspora memories. The “negation of the diaspora” – the idea that Jewish life outside Israel is inherently inferior – became official ideology. This contempt for diaspora Jewry has resurfaced in recent years: Israeli ministers have dismissed American Jewry, and the state’s policies have systematically alienated the very communities it claims to represent.

C. Alternative Homelands: From the Kimberley Plan to Argentina

Palestine was not the only territory considered. In the early twentieth century, Zionist leaders explored multiple locations: Cyprus, the Sinai Peninsula, and even Australia. The “Kimberley Plan” proposed a Jewish settlement of 20,000 square kilometres in northwest Australia, with an initial absorption of 100,000 Jews, mainly from Eastern Europe. The Freeland League pursued a project for Jewish mass settlement in Surinam, switching from its Australian plan in 1948. As early as 1907, Zionist representatives were seeking territory in Australia and negotiating the terms of local autonomy. The search for any viable colonial foothold, regardless of indigenous populations, demonstrates that Palestine was chosen not for its intrinsic holiness but because it offered the most advantageous geopolitical opportunity.

III. The State as a Private Colonial Project: Profits Over People

A. The Occupation as an Economic Engine

The occupation of the West Bank and Gaza is not merely a security measure; it is a profit centre. Palestinian labour is exploited, paid below minimum wage and denied basic rights. Palestinian land is confiscated and sold to international developers. Palestinian water is diverted to Jewish settlements, while the ICL Group – the largest chemicals company in Israel – holds exclusive rights to extract Palestinian resources from the Dead Sea until 2030. The same company supplies white phosphorus used by Israeli forces against civilians in Lebanon and Gaza.

B. Multinational Corporations Complicit in Occupation

A 2025 UN report identified 158 companies, including Airbnb, Booking.com, Expedia, and TripAdvisor, profiting from Israel’s illegal settlement enterprise. Most are Israeli, but multinationals registered in the United States, Canada, China, France, and Germany are also complicit. Google and Meta have run over 100,000 advertisements for businesses facilitating illegal settlements, including housing, expedited gun license programmes, and machinery used to demolish Palestinian property.

C. The Arms Industry and the “Start‑Up Nation” Myth

Israel is a top‑ten global weapons exporter. Its high‑tech sector, hailed as the “Start‑Up Nation”, is built on military research and a captive Palestinian population to test its tools. The Future Fund – Australia’s sovereign wealth fund – holds a $100 million stake in Palantir, which provides AI‑assisted autonomous weapons to the Israeli military, and has shares in Lockheed Martin ($13.6 million) and Elbit Systems ($8.7 million). The arms industry depends on a permanent state of war; peace would be bad for business.

D. Chevron and the Extraction of Gaza’s Gas

Chevron is deeply entwined with the Israeli state. It extracts gas off Israel’s coast, making money for a government perpetrating a genocide against Palestinians. Between now and 2040, Chevron’s expected revenues from Israeli gas are almost $20 billion, and it will transfer more than $26 billion in royalties and taxes to the state of Israel. This alliance implicates Chevron in the financing of Israel’s war crimes.

IV. The Two‑Tier Society: Violence Within Israel and the Architecture of Segregation

A. Crimes by Israelis Against Their Own Society

The murder rate in Israel has doubled in five years, from 147 in 2020 to 295 in 2025. But this violence is distributed with shocking inequality: at least 241 homicides occurred within the Arab community – compared with just 47 among the Jewish population. The murder rate in Arab society – 11 per 100,000 – is comparable to that of Sudan or Iraq. Over 200 Arab citizens have been murdered in contract killings, shootings, rocket attacks, and car bombs.

Domestic violence is rampant. A 44% rise in cases was reported; one woman has been murdered every nine days; 44 women have been murdered since January. The state knows. It does not act.

B. Crimes Against Christians and Muslims

In 2025, 181 incidents of harassment targeting Christians were documented – a 40% increase from 2024. Verbal harassment more than doubled. A nun was attacked on video near Jerusalem’s Old City; Jewish settlers set fire to Palestinian cars in the Christian town of Taybeh. This is sectarian violence with state tolerance.

C. “Ghettos Within Israel”: Jewish‑Only Towns and the Nation‑State Law

The government actively encourages Jewish settlement while restricting Arab housing construction. Arab towns and villages receive less state funding for education, infrastructure, and policing. The Nation‑State Law (2018) declares that only Jews have the right to self‑determination in Israel – a constitutional enshrinement of hierarchy. This is not integration; it is apartheid by law.

V. The Dual‑Passport Elite: A Ruling Class Above the Law

A. Dual Citizenship as “Insurance Policy”

Many wealthy Israelis hold second passports from the United States, France, Germany, and other European countries. These elites are able to evade the consequences of state violence. When the world sanctions Israel, they have other passports to fall back on; when the economy stumbles, they have offshore accounts. Dual citizenship is used as an “enhancer of economic opportunities, insurance policy, intergenerational gift, and elitist status symbol”.

B. Land Grabs in Cyprus and Greece

The same elites are already relocating their assets. Since 2023, at least 2,000 Israelis have obtained Cypriot citizenship through property investments, forming an “Israeli‑Cypriot” dual‑passport group. Israeli capital has taken control of 9.7% of the land in Northern Cyprus, building Jewish schools, cultural enclaves, and even military interfaces. A similar pattern is visible in Greece, where Israeli investors are buying property and obtaining residence permits. The ordinary Israeli – Jew or Arab – is left behind.

VI. The Trump “Peace” Plan: Real Estate Speculation Disguised as Diplomacy

The Trump administration’s “Board of Peace”, spearheaded by real estate developers Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff, has reduced peacemaking to a real‑estate transaction. Their proposal for Gaza – “New Gaza” – would turn the war‑torn strip into a tourism and investment paradise, with 180 mixed‑use towers, a new port, an airport, and a GDP target of $10 billion by 2035. As one social media commentator noted, the plan is “solely aimed at stealing Gaza’s natural gas and real estate”.

The same logic applies to Syria, where Kushner and Witkoff have proposed turning Mount Hermon – straddling the Israeli‑Syrian border – into a ski resort. Freeze the fighting, take the disputed territory out of active military contention, and use economic incentives to stabilise the situation – with the expectation that this will open the door to a broader peace deal. This is not diplomacy; it is privatisation of conflict, designed to enrich developers while leaving the underlying issues of dispossession and genocide unaddressed.

VII. The Destruction of the Jewish People of Faith

A. Conflation of Anti‑Zionism with Antisemitism

By legally enshrining the equation of Zionism with Judaism, the State of Israel has made criticism of its policies indistinguishable from hatred of Jews. Non‑Zionist Jews – Torah Jews, human rights activists, labour organisers – are increasingly targeted. Jewish organisations that oppose the genocide in Gaza, such as the Jewish Council of Australia, are dismissed as “self‑hating”. The west is complicit in this destruction: by empowering Zionist ideology, western governments have abandoned the very Jewish communities that refuse to conflate faith with nationalism.

B. Historical Antecedents: The Russian Revolution and the Myth of Jewish Bolshevism

The labelling of Jews as a subversive threat has deep roots. After the Russian Revolution, the high proportion of Jews among revolutionary leaders was weaponised to create the myth of “Jewish Bolshevism”. But the vast majority of Jews did not want to overthrow the Czar; they wanted safety from the pogroms. The same distortion is now deployed against non‑Zionist Jews: any Jew who criticises Israel is smeared as a traitor, a self‑hater, or an “enemy of the Jewish people”.

C. Antisemitism as a Weapon

The weaponisation of antisemitism – using accusations of Jew‑hatred to silence critics of Israel – is the most cynical betrayal of Holocaust memory. The state that claims to speak for all Jews has become the primary engine of modern antisemitism, as angry young people around the world conflate a murderous government with Judaism itself. Anti‑Semitism will increase because of Israel, not despite it.

VIII. Conclusion: A System That Cannot Reform Itself

The State of Israel is not a nation like others. It is:

· A colonial project that never decolonised;

· An apartheid state that enshrines Jewish supremacy in law;

· A neoliberal extraction machine that treats Palestinians as a resource and Arab citizens as a cost;

· A permanent war economy that cannot survive without an enemy;

· A ruling class of dual‑passport elites who will never face the consequences of the violence they authorise.

The only hope is the same one that ended apartheid in South Africa: international pressure, boycotts, sanctions, and the refusal of the world to look away. We are not powerless. We are witnesses.

The ordinary Israeli – Jewish or Arab – is not the enemy. They are victims of a system that extracts their taxes, their children, their futures. But the state itself is not reformable. It is built on a foundation of ethnic supremacy, and it will not dismantle itself.

We see the pattern. We name it. And we will not be silent.

Andrew Klein

The Patrician’s Watch / Australian Independent Media

15 May 2026

Here are the most relevant references and sources about the State of Israel, Zionism, colonialism, neoliberalism, and the impact on both Palestinians and Jewish communities.

The sources are organised to match the key themes explored in the article. They are verifiable, drawn from official reports, reputable media, academic institutions, and UN data.

1. Colonial Foundations of Zionism & Early History

· The Uganda Proposal (1903): Herzl’s proposal to accept a British offer of land in East Africa; source: official records of the Sixth Zionist Congress.

· Ben‑Gurion’s “Negation of the Diaspora” and disdain for Holocaust memory: Tom Segev’s The Seventh Million (1993, translated 2000) details Ben‑Gurion’s complex and often dismissive attitudes toward Holocaust survivors and diaspora Jewry.

· Alternative homelands (the Kimberley Plan, Argentina, Cyprus, Australia): Discussed in historical studies of the Zionist movement, including the Freeland League’s search for territory in Australia and Surinam.

2. The State as a Colonial & Neoliberal Project

· A 2025 UN report listing companies complicit in settlement enterprise: The report specifically names Airbnb, Booking.com, Expedia, and TripAdvisor, alongside Google and Meta for advertising settlement businesses.

· Future Fund holdings in Palantir, Lockheed Martin, and Elbit Systems: This data is sourced from the Australian government’s Future Fund portfolio disclosures and analysis by Crikey (May 2026).

· Chevron’s gas extraction and financial ties: Chevron’s revenue projections and royalty payments to the Israeli government are documented in independent energy sector analyses (e.g., from Energy Intelligence or similar)

· ICL Group’s exclusive rights to Dead Sea mineral extraction: This is detailed in ICL Group’s public corporate records and reports by human rights organisations on resource exploitation in the occupied territories.

3. Two‑Tier Society: Internal Violence & Legal Segregation

· 2025 crime statistics (homicide, organised crime, domestic violence): Published by the Israel Police and the Knesset Research and Information Center, as reported by The Times of Israel and Jerusalem Post in 2025–2026.

· Disproportionate violence against Arab citizens (e.g., 241 homicides): Data from the Abraham Initiatives and other NGOs monitoring Arab society, cited by Israeli media.

· Attacks on Christians (181 incidents, 40% increase): Documented by the Rossing Center for Education and Dialogue (2025 annual report) and covered by The Jerusalem Post.

· The Nation‑State Law (2018): Full text and analysis from the Knesset’s official website and legal commentaries.

4. Dual‑Passport Elite & Land Purchases Abroad

· Dual citizenship as an “insurance policy”: This is a well‑observed phenomenon discussed by academics and media outlets like Haaretz and The Guardian (e.g., “Why wealthy Israelis are seeking second passports”, 2025).

· Israeli land purchases in Cyprus: Investigative reports in Haaretz (e.g., “The Israeli‑Cypriot Real Estate Boom”, 2025) and Turkish media reports on land ownership in Northern Cyprus.

· Israeli investments in Greece: Reports from Ekathimerini and Reuters covering the Greek “golden visa” programme and Israeli property purchases.

5. The Trump “Peace” Plan & Real Estate Development

· “New Gaza” development plan: Reports in The Wall Street Journal, Bloomberg, and The Guardian (2025–2026) covering Jared Kushner’s proposals for Gaza’s reconstruction as a commercial zone.

· Ski resort on Mount Hermon: Coverage in The Times of Israel and Al‑Jazeera (2025) about Kushner and Witkoff’s proposals to develop the disputed border area.

6. Economic Exploitation & Multinational Complicity

· Multinational corporations (Google, Meta, Airbnb) profiting from settlements: Documented in the 2025 UN Human Rights Council report and subsequent investigative journalism in The Guardian and The Intercept.

· Palantir’s role and Future Fund stake: Analysis in Crikey (May 2026) and corporate filings from the Australian Future Fund.

· Chevron’s financial benefits from the war: Investigated by The Lever (April 2026) and other financial news outlets.

· ICL Group’s white phosphorus and resource extraction: Reports by Human Rights Watch and Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, as well as ICL’s corporate disclosures.

7. Jewish Identity, Antisemitism & the Russian Revolution

· Herzl and the Uganda Proposal: Herzl’s own diaries and the protocols of the Zionist Congresses (as cited in academic histories of Zionism).

· Ben‑Gurion’s attitudes toward the Holocaust: Segev, T. The Seventh Million (1993, English translation 2000).

· The myth of “Jewish Bolshevism” and its connection to the Russian Revolution: Historical analyses by Yohanan Petrovsky‑Shtern, Richard Pipes, and others, which distinguish between a minority of radicalised Jewish intellectuals and the majority of Jews seeking safety from pogroms.

· Contemporary weaponisation of antisemitism and conflation with anti‑Zionism: Criticism from the Jewish Council of Australia (public statements, 2025–2026), scholars like Raz Segal, and organisations such as Jewish Voice for Peace.

 A Final Note on Using These Sources

· UN reports for claims about international law, corporate complicity, and human rights abuses.

· Israeli government and Knesset sources for internal crime statistics and laws (the Nation‑State Law).

· Major media investigations (Haaretz, The Guardian, The Wall Street Journal) for Trump-era peace proposals and elite land purchases.

· NGOs (Peace Now, B’Tselem, Euro-Med Monitor, Human Rights Watch) for occupation-related violence, settlement expansion, and environmental exploitation.

· Australian government sources (Future Fund disclosures) and independent Australian media (Crikey) for AUKUS-related and domestic complicity claims.