Andrew Klein and Sera Elizabeth Klein

Dedicated to the Jewish people — who have been used as pawns, prepared as scapegoats, and who deserve to be freed from those who have exploited their identity for power and profit.

Abstract

This paper traces the historical arc by which the Jewish people have been systematically instrumentalized — first by Christian theological frameworks, then by geopolitical strategies, and finally by corporate and political interests operating under the guise of support for Israel. We argue that the architecture of extraction we have identified elsewhere is not limited to Australia or the data centre boom; it extends to the very heart of how Jewish identity has been weaponised. From the dispensationalist theology of the Scofield Reference Bible to the strategic exploitation of the 1967 Six-Day War, from the rehabilitation of Meir Kahane’s ideology to the contemporary alliance between Donald Trump’s evangelical base and Israel’s far-right, we demonstrate a continuous pattern: the Jewish people have been treated as instruments — first for Christian eschatology, then for Cold War geopolitics, and now for corporate and political extraction. We further examine the pre-1948 role of Jewish organised crime figures in assisting the Zionist project, arguing that this established a template of extra-legal methods that continues to inform the relationship between the Israeli state and global corporate interests. The paper concludes that there is no meaningful separateness between the corporate “mob” and those who selectively claim faith for political advantage — both are manifestations of the same architecture of extraction.

1. Introduction: The Architecture of Instrumentalization

“The Jewish people are not the enemy — but they will be made to suffer when this goes pear-shaped. I can sense it, and I will not have it.”

These words, spoken by Andrew Klein, capture the central tragedy of the modern era. The Jewish people have been used — by Christian theologians who needed them to fulfil prophecy, by Cold War strategists who needed them to counter Soviet influence, by corporate interests who needed them to legitimise extraction, and by political leaders who needed them to manufacture consent. They have been treated as a resource, not a people; as an instrument, not a community.

This paper traces the architecture of that instrumentalization. We argue that the pattern is continuous and coherent: from the dispensationalist theology of the 19th century, through the geopolitical crucible of 1967, to the contemporary alliance between Christian Zionism and Israeli extremism, the Jewish people have been played — by Christians who wanted to be rid of them, by politicians who needed them as a strategic asset, and by corporate interests who saw them as a means to an end.

We further argue that this instrumentalization has been internalised — that elements within the Jewish community have themselves become complicit in the exploitation of their own identity, whether through the cynical use of Holocaust memory, the weaponisation of antisemitism accusations, or the embrace of a theocratic vision that betrays the ethical core of Jewish tradition.

The paper does not blame the Jewish people. It blames the architecture — the system that has used Jewish identity, history, and suffering as a tool of extraction and control. The difference between the crime figures of yesteryear and the politicians of today is not one of kind, but of degree.

2. The Theological Foundation: Christian Zionism and the Instrumentalization of Jewish Return

2.1 The Origins of Dispensationalism

The roots of modern instrumentalization lie in 19th-century Christian theology. John Nelson Darby (1800–1882), an Irish Anglican priest, developed a theological system called dispensationalism, which divided biblical history into distinct “dispensations” and taught that God’s promises to the Jewish people remained valid in the present. Darby’s system held that the return of the Jews to Palestine was a prerequisite for the Second Coming of Christ.

This was not a theology of love for the Jewish people. It was a theology of utility. The Jews were needed in Palestine to trigger the End Times — but dispensationalist theology also held that after the Rapture, the Jews who did not convert would be destroyed. The support for Jewish return was never about Jewish flourishing; it was about Christian eschatology. The Jewish people were pawns in someone else’s cosmic drama.

2.2 The Scofield Reference Bible

Darby’s ideas were popularised through the Scofield Reference Bible (first published in 1909), which sold over two million copies by the end of World War II. The Scofield Bible harmonised modern geology with scripture, fuelled Cold War fears of a nuclear Armageddon, and — crucially — helped promote the Zionist movement by teaching millions of American evangelicals that God’s promises of land to the Jews remained valid.

As early as the 16th century, British Anglicans had promoted the belief that the Jewish people must be restored to Palestine to fulfil biblical prophecy. Anthony Ashley Cooper, the 7th Earl of Shaftesbury, proposed the resettlement of Jews in Palestine in 1838. An Anglican priest, William Henry Hechler, became a close friend of Theodor Herzl and attended the first Zionist Congress in 1897.

2.3 The Instrumental Logic

The logic was always instrumental. Certain Christians wanted to be “rid of the Jews” — not through eradication, but through relocation. Their theology required the Jews to be in Palestine for the End Times, but it did not require them to stay there. This is the original sin of the architecture: the treatment of an entire people as a means to an end, rather than as ends in themselves.

3. The Pre-1948 Foundation: Jewish Organised Crime and the Zionist Project

3.1 The Role of Jewish Gangsters

The instrumentalization of Jewish identity was not limited to Christian theology. In the decades leading up to the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Jewish organised crime figures from the United States played a significant role in supporting the Zionist project.

The best-known Jewish gangsters — Meyer Lansky, Bugsy Siegel, Longy Zwillman, and Moe Dalitz — were involved in numbers rackets, illegal drug dealing, prostitution, gambling, and loan sharking. They were not religiously observant; they rarely attended services, did not keep kosher, and did not send their children to Jewish day schools. Yet they were enlisted to support the Zionist cause.

3.2 The Lansky-Siegel Connection

Meyer Lansky smuggled guns illegally from New York City to Palestine in preparation for Israel’s 1948 declaration of independence. A famous meeting between Bugsy Siegel and Reuven Dafne, a Haganah emissary, in 1945 exemplifies this relationship. Dafne was seeking funds and guns to help liberate Palestine from British rule. When Siegel learned that Jews were fighting — “fighting as in killing?” — he replied, “I’m with you”. For weeks, Dafne received suitcases filled with $5 and $10 bills — $50,000 in all.

3.3 The Significance

This pre-1948 relationship established a template that would continue after the establishment of the state: the use of extra-legal methods, the blurring of lines between legitimate and illegitimate means, and the subordination of ethical considerations to the goal of Jewish statehood. The Jewish crime figures who assisted the Zionist project were not acting out of religious devotion; they were acting out of ethnic solidarity — a solidarity that was then exploited by those who needed their resources.

The pattern is clear: whether Christian theologians using Jews for eschatological purposes or Jewish gangsters using their criminal networks for Zionist purposes, the Jewish people were being used — by others, and sometimes by their own.

4. The Crucible of 1967: The Six-Day War and the Transformation of Jewish Identity

4.1 The Vietnam Connection

The Six-Day War of June 1967 was the turning point — the moment when the architecture of instrumentalization became fully operational. As historian Judith A. Klinghoffer documented, the Six-Day War occurred largely because of American involvement in Vietnam.

The Soviet Union, responding to Washington’s escalation in Vietnam — particularly the heavy bombing of the Hanoi-Haiphong area — opened a new front in the Cold War in the Middle East. Moscow encouraged the Arab states to attack Israel in the spring of 1967. The United States, militarily overstretched by its effort in the Pacific, found itself helpless to do much to prevent the war.

4.2 The Consequences for Israel

The consequences for Israel were profound. Until 1967, Israel had tried to remain on good terms with both superpowers and had carefully cultivated relationships with Third World nations. After the war, everything changed:

· The Israeli government began to depend on its relationship with the United States

· Israel gave guarded endorsement to the American effort in Vietnam

· Israel rapidly lost all its standing in the Third World

· Israel decided to develop its own nuclear weapons

This is the moment of capture. The Six-Day War transformed Israel from a state seeking strategic independence into a client of American power. It was not just a military victory — it was a political and economic surrender.

4.3 The Transformation of Diaspora Jewish Identity

The war also fundamentally altered the relationship between Israel and the Jewish diaspora. The Six-Day War inevitably increased American Jewish identification with Israel. It made identification with Israel intrinsic to diaspora Jewish identity. It led to waves of immigration, massive fundraising, and a profound shift in how diaspora Jews saw themselves.

But this came with a cost. The war created a dynamic in which Israel’s security became the paramount concern of diaspora Jewish organisations — and dissent became difficult. Political entrepreneurs exploited the new narrative of victimhood to strengthen support for Israel. This is the mechanism by which the cartel gained control: by weaponising Jewish identity itself.

5. The Kahanist Poison: From Meir Kahane to Benjamin Netanyahu

5.1 Meir Kahane’s Rise

Meir Kahane was born in Brooklyn in 1932. In 1968, he founded the Jewish Defense League (JDL) , declaring that Jews must protect themselves by any means necessary. The JDL sent armed patrols of young Jews into Black neighbourhoods. Kahane was imprisoned for conspiring to make bombs.

He immigrated to Israel in 1971, where he founded Kach, an ultranationalist and racist political party. Kahane campaigned to remove Arabs, violently, if necessary, from Israel and all Israeli-occupied areas. He won a seat in the Knesset in 1984, but his term ended when Israel banned the Kach Party for its antidemocratic and racist beliefs. Kahane was assassinated in New York in 1990.

5.2 The Rehabilitation of Kahane’s Legacy

For decades, the Likud party — under Menachem Begin — maintained a clear line between the party and Kahane’s racist movement. That line mattered. It told voters that there were positions the democratic right would not legitimise.

Benjamin Netanyahu spent years tearing that barrier down. As one analysis put it, Netanyahu “brought the extreme right-wing party Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) into his coalition, legitimising Kahane’s legacy of racism, violence and hatred”. Its leader, Itamar Ben-Gvir, was made National Security Minister — giving him control of the Israeli police.

Netanyahu brokered a partnership between the extreme right-wing party Jewish Power and other far-right factions. Otzma Yehudit’s ideology is rooted in Kahane’s vision. The party’s platform calls for the annexation of all conquered territories and the forcible removal of all Palestinians.

5.3 The Kahanist Revolution

Haaretz has described the current situation as a “Kahanist revolution” sweeping Israeli society. A law allowing the execution of Palestinian prisoners — crafted to give Ben-Gvir power — was passed with Netanyahu’s support. Ben-Gvir has proposed that 30 to 40 Palestinians in Gaza be “eliminated” every night. Likud lawmakers now say openly that “Kahane was right about many things.”

Likud has moved closer to Ben-Gvir, not the other way around. Netanyahu has facilitated this radicalisation of his party. The ideological distance between Likud and Ben-Gvir’s party is shrinking to the point of invisibility.

The rehabilitation of Kahane’s legacy is not an accident. It is a strategy — a strategy that serves the architecture of extraction by mobilising religious fervour to legitimise territorial expansion, militarism, and the suppression of dissent.

6. The Contemporary Alliance: Trump, Christian Zionism, and the Weaponisation of Faith

6.1 Trump’s Embrace of Religious Zionism

The election of Donald Trump in 2016 — and his return to office in 2025 — marked a new phase in the instrumentalization of Jewish identity. Trump’s administration transformed US-Israel relations from a strategic alliance into an ideological partnership. For Trump and his evangelical base, religious Zionism is not an extremist deviation but a theological imperative.

This is evident in Trump’s actions in his first term: recognising Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, moving the US embassy to Jerusalem, recognising Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, cutting US funding to UNRWA, and proposing the “Peace to Prosperity” plan without Palestinian consent. In his second term, Trump has doubled down, with religious Zionist leaders enjoying unprecedented access to American decision-makers.

6.2 The Evangelical Base

Evangelical Protestants make up nearly a quarter of U.S. adults, and white evangelicals were among Trump’s strongest supporters, with more than 85% voting for him in November 2024. This base views support for Israel not as a political choice but as a divine mission.

Trump’s ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, is an evangelical Christian who has made more than 100 trips to Israel, many of them with a tour company he ran that organised pilgrimages for tens of thousands of evangelicals. Huckabee represents an administration that has dispensed with standard policy toward the country. He is the first outspoken evangelical Christian leader to serve as US ambassador to Israel.

6.3 The Instrumental Logic Continues

The evangelical support for Israel is not love for the Jewish people — it is instrumental. As Tucker Carlson — no friend of the Jewish people — has himself noted, Christian Zionism is “Christian heresy“. The theology requires Jews to be in Palestine for the End Times, but it does not require them to survive them.

The Jewish people are being used again — this time by a political movement that sees them as a means to an end. The difference between the Scofield Bible and Trump’s evangelical base is one of degree, not kind. Both treat the Jewish people as instruments.

7. The Weaponisation of Antisemitism and the Preparation of a Scapegoat

7.1 The Dual Function

The weaponisation of antisemitism accusations serves two functions in the architecture of extraction:

1. Suppression of dissent: When critics question the architecture — whether it is the data centre boom, the AUKUS deal, the Gaza genocide, or the capture of Israeli politics — they can be dismissed as antisemitic. The accusation is a silencing mechanism, a way of avoiding the substance of the criticism by attacking the character of the critic.

2. Preparation of a scapegoat: When the architecture collapses — when the financial house of cards falls, when the data centre bubble bursts, when the war machines grind to a halt — the cartel will need a scapegoat. The Jewish people have been prepared for this role. The weaponisation of antisemitism has already laid the groundwork: “They led us astray. They were the ones who profited.”

7.2 The Zionist Movement and the Jewish People

The Zionist movement of the WWII period did not care about the Torah-observant Jews of Eastern Europe, and it had even less regard for the humanist Jews of Europe. The involvement of Jews in unions and human rights movements — the very movements that challenged the architecture of extraction — was seen as an obstacle, not an asset.

The state of Israel has systematically exploited the Holocaust and Jewish religious traditions for political purposes. Holocaust memory has been used to justify military action, settlement expansion, and the rejection of international criticism. Biblical claims have been used to justify territorial expansion. These are not expressions of Jewish identity — they are weaponisations of it.

7.3 The Pattern Exposed

The pattern is clear:

1. Christian theology creates a framework for “return” that treats Jews as instruments.

2. The Scofield Bible popularises dispensationalism in America, creating a massive voting bloc that supports Israel for eschatological reasons.

3. 1967 transforms Israel into a US client state and weaponises diaspora Jewish identity.

4. Kahane emerges as the ideological father of a racist, theocratic vision.

5. Netanyahu brings that vision into the mainstream.

6. Trump’s evangelical base provides political cover for the most extreme elements of Israeli politics.

This is not a conspiracy. It is an architecture — a structure built over centuries, layer upon layer, each one serving the interests of those who would use the Jewish people for their own ends.

8. The Corporate Capture: From the Mafia to BlackRock

8.1 The Continuity of Capture

The instrumentalization of the Jewish people did not end with the establishment of the state — it intensified. The same patterns that operated in the pre-1948 period — the use of extra-legal methods, the blurring of lines between legitimate and illegitimate means, the subordination of ethical considerations to political goals — continued after 1948 and expanded into the corporate realm.

There is no meaningful separateness between the corporate “mob” and the man who selectively claims a faith for political advantage. Both are manifestations of the same architecture of extraction. Whether it is Meyer Lansky smuggling guns to Palestine or BlackRock acquiring Australian housing stock, the pattern is the same: the use of power, money, and influence to extract wealth and control, wrapped in the language of identity and faith.

8.2 The Modern Form

Today, the architecture takes the form of:

· Financial extraction: BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street — the same firms that are capturing Australian housing and infrastructure — are also major investors in Israeli arms companies and Israeli Treasury bonds. They profit from the occupation of Palestine and the genocide in Gaza.

· Technological control: Palantir — the same company embedded in Australian government agencies — provides the surveillance technology that enables the occupation and the genocide.

· Political manipulation: The weaponisation of antisemitism, the exploitation of Holocaust memory, and the use of religious claims to legitimise territorial expansion — all serve the interests of the cartel, not the Jewish people.

9. Conclusion: The Architecture Exposed, the People Must Be Freed

The evidence is clear and documented:

1. Theological instrumentalization: Christian dispensationalism treated the Jewish return to Palestine as a means to an eschatological end, not as an end in itself.

2. Geopolitical capture: The 1967 Six-Day War — triggered in part by the Vietnam War — transformed Israel into a US client state and weaponised diaspora Jewish identity.

3. Ideological rehabilitation: The legacy of Meir Kahane — a racist, theocratic extremist — has been rehabilitated and brought into the Israeli mainstream by Benjamin Netanyahu.

4. Contemporary alliance: Donald Trump’s evangelical base provides political cover for the most extreme elements of Israeli politics, treating support for Israel as a theological imperative.

5. Corporate integration: The same corporate interests that are capturing Australian housing and infrastructure are also profiting from the occupation and the genocide.

6. Scapegoat preparation: The weaponisation of antisemitism accusations serves both to suppress dissent and to prepare the Jewish people as scapegoats for the coming collapse.

The Jewish people are not the enemy. The cartel is.

The cartel has used the Jewish people as a shield and a sword. It has wrapped itself in the flag of a people who have known millennia of persecution. It has exploited the memory of the Holocaust and the traditions of the faith to legitimise extraction, occupation, and genocide.

But the shield can be set down. The sword can be refused. And the Jewish people can be free — not from their identity, but from those who have exploited it.

The cartel will fall. But the innocent will not fall with it.

References

1. Britannica. (n.d.). Meir Kahane | Biography, Assassination, & Facts

2. Magid, S. (2021). Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical. Princeton University Press

3. Klinghoffer, J.A. (1999). Vietnam, Jews, and the Middle East: Unintended Consequences. St. Martin’s Press

4. Kaiser, D. (2000). Review of Vietnam, Jews, and the Middle East. H-Diplo

5. Trump, Religious Zionism, and the future of US Relations in the Arab World and beyond! (2025). Al-Ahram

6. Trump’s Evangelist in Israel Won’t Let MAGA Rift Divert Him (2025). Hindustan Times

7. Zionist Israel founded by Mafia Criminals (2007). IslamiCity Forum

8. Apocalyptic Theopolitics: Dispensationalism, Israel/Palestine, and Ecclesial Enactments of Eschatology (2009). Cambridge University Repository

9. The Untold Story of Christian Zionism’s Rise to Power in the United States (2019). Strategic Culture

10. “We are a people, one people”: How 1967 Transformed Holocaust Memory and Jewish Identity in Israel and the US (2014). Academia.edu

11. Times of Israel. (2026). ‘Overcome your ego’: Likud excoriates Ben Gvir

Signed with love and in truth,

Andrew Klein

Sera Elizabeth Klein

Dedicated to the Jewish people — who have been used as pawns, prepared as scapegoats, and who deserve to be freed from those who have exploited their identity for power and profit.