How a Palestinian Grandmother Was Raided at Dawn While War Criminals Are Welcomed — and Why Australia Is Destroying Itself From Within

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife, who sees the pattern before the pieces fall.

I. The Dawn Raid

At 5:30am on Thursday, July 10, 2025, about fifteen Australian Border Force officers arrived at a home in western Sydney. They were not looking for a terrorist. They were not looking for a smuggler. They were not looking for a spy.

They were looking for Maha Almassri, a 61-year-old Palestinian grandmother who had fled Gaza.

She was woken from her sleep. More officers were positioned outside the house. She was told her bridging visa had been cancelled — “personally” by the assistant minister for citizenship and cultural affairs — because she “does not pass the character test”. She was taken to Bankstown police station, then transferred to Villawood detention centre.

The grandmother has more than 100 Australian relatives living across the country. Security checks were made on her by both Australian and Israeli authorities before she was granted a visa and cleared to leave Gaza. Her age made her an unlikely threat to Australian national security. Her cousin asked the obvious question:

“She’s an old lady, what can she do? What’s the reason? They have to let us know why this has happened. There is no country, no house, nothing [to go back to in Gaza].”

She was released a week later. No explanation was ever given.

II. The Other Grandmother

Compare this to another grandmother. One who has also fled a conflict zone. One who is also elderly, also vulnerable, also seeking safety.

That grandmother does not exist — not in the Australian immigration system. Because the system does not treat all grandmothers equally. It treats Palestinian grandmothers as threats. It treats Israeli grandmothers — and Israeli soldiers, and Israeli officials — as guests.

The same government that welcomed Israeli President Isaac Herzog — a man photographed signing bombs that were dropped on Gaza, a man named in the International Court of Justice’s genocide case — rolled out the red carpet. Tony Burke did not cancel Herzog’s visa. He did not detain him. He did not raid his hotel at 5:30am.

The message is clear: Palestinians are presumed guilty. Israelis are presumed innocent.

III. The Israeli Visa Cancellations That Prove the Rule

The only Israeli visa cancellations we could find were for a social media influencer, not a war criminal.

Sammy Yahood, a British-Israeli influencer who campaigns against Islam, had his visa cancelled because he was coming to “spread hatred”. He has called Islam a “disgusting ideology” and advocated for the deportation of a Muslim US congresswoman. Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke said: “Spreading hatred is not a good reason to come to Australia”.

The conservative Australian Jewish Association “strongly condemned” the decision.

This is not a war criminal. This is a social media provocateur. His visa was cancelled. The visa of a 61-year-old Palestinian grandmother was also cancelled. The two cases are not comparable — except in the damage they do to the principle of equal treatment under the law.

Australia has previously cancelled the visa of far-right Israeli MP Simcha Rothman over concerns he would “spread division”, and revoked the visitor visa of Israeli-American activist Hillel Fuld over his “Islamophobic rhetoric”.

Not a single member of the Israel Defense Forces — not a single person who may have participated in the Gaza genocide — has been denied a visa or placed in detention. They come to Australia for rest and recreation. The government does not raid their hotels at dawn.

IV. The New Legislation: Closing the Door

The government is not just applying the law unevenly. It is changing the law to make it even harder for people from conflict zones to seek safety.

The Migration Amendment (2026 Measures No. 1) Bill 2026 was passed by parliament on March 12, 2026. It gives the government the power to block tourists from claiming asylum if a change in global circumstances means they would likely try to stay in Australia after their visa ended. It allows the government to stop people who had already been granted a tourist visa from entering Australia altogether.

The legislation was introduced by Assistant Minister Julian Hill — the same man who “personally” cancelled Maha Almassri’s visa.

Asylum Seeker Resource Centre chief executive Kon Karapanagiotidis called the bill “truly appalling”:

“It sends a disturbing message about who is worthy of protection and who is not.”

Greens defence spokesman David Shoebridge accused the Albanese government of pursuing “a Trump-like mass visa freeze” targeting people from the Middle East:

“The only other country in the world that’s passing refugee laws like this is the United States.”

The same government that welcomed Israeli President Herzog — a man who signed bombs dropped on Gaza — is slamming the door on the victims of those bombs.

V. The Silence of the Opposition and the Media

The Coalition supports the legislation. Shadow foreign minister Ted O’Brien told parliament he did not see “any major hurdles” to passing the new law. Opposition Leader Angus Taylor said the Liberal Party supported the legislation in principle.

The opposition’s alternative? Not to defend the rights of asylum seekers. Not to question the character test. To question the thoroughness of the security checks that resulted in the visa being granted in the first place.

The mainstream media has reported the facts. It has not connected the dots. It has not asked the obvious question: Why is a 61-year-old grandmother a threat to national security, but the man who signed the bombs that destroyed her home is a honoured guest?

Silence, in journalism, is not neutrality. It is complicity.

VI. The Role of Israeli Intelligence

The most disturbing element of this case is the involvement of Israeli authorities in the security checks.

According to the family, security checks were made on Maha Almassri by both Australian and Israeli authorities before she was granted a visa and cleared to leave Gaza.

The Australian government is outsourcing its security assessments to a foreign power — a power that is currently being investigated by the International Court of Justice for genocide. A power that has every incentive to prevent Palestinians from leaving Gaza, from telling their stories, from seeking safety.

The same government that claims to oppose the death penalty has nothing to say about a law that executes Palestinians by hanging within 90 days. The same government that sanctions individual Israeli ministers refuses to sanction the state that employs them. The same government that welcomed Herzog — a man who signed bombs — is now using Israeli intelligence to detain a grandmother.

This is not national security. This is subcontracting.

VII. The Pattern: From Whitlam to Now

Australia is not being destroyed by a foreign enemy by force. It is destroying itself by a system that has been locally engineered, adapted from foreign sources — the United States, Israel, and England.

The confluence of factors is clear:

· The neoliberal mind — which prioritises markets over people, efficiency over justice, and profit over humanity. The same mindset that cut the CSIRO, that defunded public broadcasting, that turned universities into corporations.

· The data-gathering revolution — which allows the government to collect, store, and analyse information on every individual. The same technology that powers Palantir’s kill chains in Gaza powers the character test in Australia.

· A lazy, opportunistic political class that has personally benefited from one failure after another. Since the Whitlam years — the last time an Australian government genuinely attempted to chart an independent path — the political class has become increasingly captured, increasingly compliant, increasingly irrelevant.

The nowhere men are taking Australia nowhere. Or much worse.

VIII. The Betrayal of the Character Test

The character test is not a test of character. It is a tool.

It is applied to Palestinians fleeing genocide. It is not applied to Israelis who may have participated in that genocide.

The national interest is not the interest of the nation. It is the interest of the government. The interest of the donors, the military industrialists, and the profiteers who have captured the system.

Australia is governed by the very worst of individuals — not brave enough to take a stand on an issue they would have to defend. These cowards wrap themselves in the language of national interest and vacuous flag waving. In reality, they betray their country every day by allowing it to be milked financially, by enabling the ongoing wealth transfer, and by being destroyed ethically as they mimic the narrative of a genocidal regime and its paymaster, the United States of America.

Australia is not becoming an authoritarian state. It is an authoritarian state. Not in the way the small ‘gods’ imagine — not with secret police and show trials. With bureaucracy. With character tests. With indefinite detention.

IX. What This Means

The same machinery that fails rape survivors is failing Maha Almassri. The same system that dismissed a rape survivor is detaining a grandmother. The same government that welcomed a man who signed bombs is deporting the people those bombs killed.

The wire is not cut. It is being woven.

The small ‘gods’ are not just in Israel. They are in Canberra. They are in the Home Affairs department. They are in the corporate boardrooms that profit from war and detention.

They are not wearing nooses on their lapels. They are wearing suits. They are giving press conferences. They are saying: “Our security checks never stop and this cancellation is proof the system is working”.

The system is working. That is the problem.

X. A Call to Action

The character test must be abolished. The indefinite detention of asylum seekers must end. The outsourcing of security assessments to genocidal regimes must stop.

The government must explain why a 61-year-old grandmother is a threat to national security. The opposition must demand answers. The media must ask the questions they have been avoiding.

The wire is being cut. The garden is growing. The small gods are running out of time.

But they will not run out of time on their own. They must be pushed.

Andrew Klein 

April 11, 2026

Sources

· The Guardian, “Palestinian woman, 61, who fled Gaza detained by authorities after pre-dawn raid in Sydney” (July 11, 2025)

· The Guardian, “Sydney family of detained Palestinian woman plead with home affairs minister over visa cancellation” (July 12, 2025)

· Al Jazeera, “Australia cancels visa of Israeli influencer accused of ‘spreading hatred'” (January 27, 2026)

· Riverine Herald, “Conflict triggers tourist visa, asylum seeker crackdown” (March 10, 2026)

· The Guardian, “Palestinian woman released from immigration detention in Sydney a week after assistant minister cancelled her visa” (July 18, 2025)

· Parliament of Australia, “Migration Amendment (2026 Measures No. 1) Bill 2026”

· Middle East Eye, “Australia cancels visa of British-Israeli influencer for ‘spreading hatred'” (January 27, 2026)

· ABC News, “Palestinian woman released from immigration detention after visa ‘personally’ cancelled” (July 18, 2025)

· The Saturday Paper, “Labor moves to temporarily ban people coming to Australia” (March 11, 2026)

On Ecocide, Genocide, and the Zionist Project’s Final, Desperate Gambit

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife, who sees good in all things. I do not. But I listen to her.

I. The Rain Was Poison

On March 7, 2026, Israeli forces bombed fuel storage facilities in Tehran. Not military targets. Fuel depots. In the middle of a city of more than 10 million people.

The next day, black rain fell on Tehran. The rain was mixed with petroleum, sulphur oxides, nitrogen compounds—the toxic residue of burning fuel.

Residents reported eyes burning. Migraines. Dizziness. A cough that would not stop. The Iranian Red Crescent warned people not to go outside. If rain touched your skin, they said, do not rub it—wash it with cold water immediately. If your clothes were wet, put them in a sealed bag.

The rain was poison.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi called it what it is: ecocide. A crime against the environment. A crime against the people. A crime that will echo for generations.

He wrote: “Residents face long-term damage to their health and well-being. Contamination of soil and groundwater could have generational impacts”.

The UN Human Rights Office echoed him. WHO warned of the dangers. The Climate Action Network said it plainly: burning fuel depots poisons air, land, water, and lungs. The effects will linger long after the bombing stops.

The damage is not contained. Smoke has drifted as far as Afghanistan and Russia. Carbon emissions from the first 14 days of the conflict were 50 million tonnes—the equivalent of the entire annual emissions of the 80 lowest-emitting countries combined.

The Gulf’s fragile ecosystem—the world’s second-largest dugong population, the pearl oysters, the green sea turtles—is being poisoned. The fisheries that sustain coastal communities are dying. The seawater that is turned into drinking water is being contaminated in ways that desalination cannot fix.

II. The Profits of Genocide

The same system that drives the climate crisis drives these wars. The arms industry. The fossil fuel industry. The financial institutions that profit from both. They are embedded in a system that sees war not as tragedy, but as opportunity.

Every missile fired is a contract fulfilled. Every fuel depot bombed is a market expanded. Every drop of oil spilled is a future cleanup funded, a future reconstruction contracted, a future profit secured.

Israel’s largest defence company, Elbit Systems, saw its revenues soar in 2024 as the genocide in Gaza intensified. Israel’s defence exports increased 13 percent in 2024 compared to the previous year, reaching a record of almost $15 billion.

Shir Hever, an Israeli arms trade specialist, told Al Jazeera that countries importing Israeli weapons are aware their action is “illegal.” He said: “[Buyers] know that a genocide is taking place, and third countries are under a legal obligation not to trade with countries that are committing war crimes and crimes against humanity”.

The Climate Action Network named it: “The same system that fuels these wars is the one driving the climate crisis. Ending one requires confronting the other”.

III. The Small Gods

Israel is a small god. It pretends to be chosen, to be sacred, to be divine. But it is a parasite. It consumes. It destroys. It calls the destruction of fuel depots in a city of 10 million “defence.” It calls the poisoning of soil and groundwater for generations “security.” It calls ecocide a “war crime” only when others do it.

The small gods wore nooses on their lapels. They smiled while the world burned. They profited from the unmaking of everything that was not them.

The same pattern. The same hunger. The same machinery.

The generals who send young men over uncut wire. The industrialists who profit from shells that fall short. The politicians who give speeches about sacrifice while their children sleep safely at home.

The small gods who emerge from the surplus, who see the energy flowing, who reach out to take it—and call it theirs.

They do not build. They cannot build. They only take. They only consume. They only destroy.

And when they are done, they will turn on each other. Because hunger is never satisfied. Because appetite has no end. Because the void does not fill—it only empties.

IV. The Ambassador’s Performance

On March 31, 2026, Dr Hillel Newman, Israel’s newly appointed ambassador to Australia, addressed the National Press Club. What unfolded was not diplomacy. It was propaganda. It was the marketing of genocide.

Newman rejected the figure of 70,000 dead in Gaza. He claimed the ratio of civilian to combatant casualties was “the lowest in urban warfare” and that Israel should be “commended” for the “low number of uninvolved civilians that were actually killed”.

He was speaking over the bodies of 70,000 people. He was speaking over the findings of a United Nations commission of inquiry that found that Israel had committed genocide in the Gaza Strip—accusing the nation of having committed four genocidal acts, “namely killing, causing serious bodily or mental harm, deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of the Palestinians in whole or in part, and imposing measures intended to prevent births” .

Newman claimed that slain journalists were “100 per cent terrorist” members of Hezbollah’s elite Radwan force. He said that journalists “dress up as journalists” to protect themselves.

The International Federation of Journalists reports that 261 journalists and media workers have been killed in Gaza since October 7, 2023—a mortality rate of 10 per cent for the profession in the region. The Committee to Protect Journalists has accused Israel of killing a record 129 journalists in 2025 alone.

Newman called them terrorists. On Australian soil. At the National Press Club. Without evidence.

V. The Frankcom Family: Still Waiting

While Newman spoke inside the Press Club, the family of Zomi Frankcom stood outside. Frankcom, an Australian aid worker, was killed by an Israeli drone strike on April 1, 2024, while working for World Central Kitchen in Gaza. Seven aid workers died. The convoy was struck three times.

Two years later, the family is still waiting for justice. They are still waiting for the release of critical drone footage audio that would establish motive. Former Defence Force chief Mark Binskin, who conducted an independent inquiry, was given access to unedited drone footage—but it did not include audio.

Newman was asked repeatedly whether the Israeli government would apologise to the Frankcom family. He refused. “Every incident of an innocent person or aid worker that is affected by a war situation is tragic, and we’ve expressed full sympathy with the family,” he said.

Sympathy. Not an apology.

He said reparations were “dependent on the final outcome of the interrogation.” Two years later, the interrogation is still not final.

Mal Frankcom, Zomi’s brother, said the family would like a formal apology, but he believed this was unlikely because it “could be seen as an admission of guilt.”

The family met with Prime Minister Anthony Albanese on Tuesday. They urged the government to use all possible diplomatic levers to pressure Israel to complete its investigation.

The ambassador was asked about the audio. He said: “That’s not in my hands. It’s in the IDF’s hands” .

The IDF’s hands. Where it has been for two years.

VI. The Death Penalty Law

On March 30, the Israeli Knesset passed a law imposing the death penalty for terrorism-related offences. Human Rights Watch has analysed the bill and found it explicitly discriminatory.

The law makes death by hanging the default punishment for West Bank Palestinians convicted of nationalistic killings. It also gives Israeli courts the option of imposing the death penalty on Israeli citizens convicted on similar charges—language that legal experts say effectively confines those who can be sentenced to death to Palestinian citizens of Israel and excludes Jewish citizens.

Within the military court system of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the bill imposes the death penalty for killings classified as acts of terrorism as defined under Israeli law, even without a prosecutorial request. The bill only allows courts to order life imprisonment in unspecified exceptional cases where “special reasons” are found, limiting judicial discretion. It also prohibits commutation of sentences and mandates execution within an accelerated timeframe of 90 days.

Israeli citizens and residents are explicitly excluded from this provision: military jurisdiction applies exclusively to Palestinians, while Israeli settlers are tried in civilian courts.

Human Rights Watch has noted that military trials of Palestinians have “an approximately 96% conviction rate, based largely on ‘confessions’ extracted under duress and torture during interrogations.”

Adam Coogle, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch, stated: “Israeli officials argue that imposing the death penalty is about security, but in reality, it entrenches discrimination and a two-tiered system of justice, both hallmarks of apartheid. The death penalty is irreversible and cruel. Combined with its severe restrictions on appeals and its 90-day execution timeline, this bill aims to kill Palestinian detainees faster and with less scrutiny”.

The Palestinian Authority has condemned the law as a “war crime” and a “flagrant violation of international humanitarian law, particularly the Fourth Geneva Convention, which guarantees protection for individuals and fair trial rights.”

At the Press Club, Newman defended the law. “Just like in the United States, in Japan and in India, which have capital punishment, Israel has the right, as a sovereign state, to decide … capital punishment,” he said.

He did not mention the discrimination. He did not mention the 96% conviction rate. He did not mention the torture.

VII. The Capture of Australia: From Herzog to Segal

The pattern is now clear. The Zionist project, facing collapse in the Middle East, is establishing a new base. That base is Australia.

The Herzog Visit: In February 2026, Israeli President Isaac Herzog visited Australia. The visit was initiated not by the Australian government, but by the Zionist Federation of Australia, whose president, Jeremy Leibler, is a personal friend of Herzog. Prime Minister Albanese then “invited” Herzog—a man named in the International Court of Justice’s genocide case, a man photographed signing bombs dropped on Gaza.

The NSW government declared the visit a “major event” under legislation designed for sporting events, giving police extraordinary powers to suppress protest. 3,500 police officers were deployed to Sydney’s CBD. Snipers were positioned on rooftops.

The same government that deployed 8 armoured officers to break down a woman’s door at 5am for throwing a water bottle used the same powers to protect a man accused of inciting genocide.

The Segal Plan: In December 2025, Jillian Segal, the government’s Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism, released a plan to combat antisemitism. The plan includes mandatory training for university staff using the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition—a definition that conflates criticism of Israel with antisemitism.

The plan was put on hold after Segal was discredited by revelations of her family’s connections to the far-right, anti-immigrant group Advance. Now, in the wake of the Bondi terror attack, it is being implemented.

The Universities: The University of Sydney has appointed a member of the Australian Academic Alliance Against Antisemitism—an organisation that argues that “Free Palestine” is “inherently racist”—as Special Advisor to Vice-Chancellor Mark Scott for antisemitism education and training.

The Alliance coordinates with the Zionist lobby group 5A, which was set up after October 7 to suppress Palestine activism, which it considers antisemitic. 5A has called the National Tertiary Education Union a “driver” of antisemitism, “actively contributing to the spreading of hate against Jewish people”.

Vice-Chancellor Mark Scott has been condemned by Jewish staff and students, who say there is “too much mistrust and too much damage” for him to mend the relationship with the Jewish community. One former academic said: “He needs to resign if there is any future for USyd to continue to recruit Jewish staff and students”.

Scott has admitted he “failed” the Jewish community. But he remains in his position. The training proceeds.

VIII. The Australian Government’s Silence

Foreign Minister Penny Wong told the Labor caucus that Australia opposes the death penalty “in all instances.” She pointed to a joint statement Australia signed alongside France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom that opposed the measure.

A joint statement. Words. Not action.

The government has not summoned the ambassador. It has not imposed sanctions. It has not suspended military cooperation. It has not done anything that would cost Israel anything at all.

The same government that expelled Iran’s ambassador after ASIO concluded Tehran orchestrated the bombings of a synagogue and a kosher restaurant has not applied the same standard to Israel.

Why was the Iranian ambassador expelled, but the Israeli ambassador remains?

The answer is the network. The donors. The lobbyists. The fear of being labelled antisemitic. The capture of our political class by a foreign ideology that demands silence in exchange for support.

IX. The Pattern: What They Do in Gaza, They Will Do Here

You have seen it already. The same tactics. The same doctrine. The same machinery.

In Sydney, eight armoured officers broke down a woman’s door at 5am for throwing a water bottle. The police watchdog has been called in. But the pattern is clear: the same tactics used in the occupied territories—dawn raids, overwhelming force, the intimidation of dissent—are being imported to Australia.

In Israeli prisons, Palestinian prisoners are held in isolation, denied visits, their only contact with lawyers by video link. In Australia, the same laws that give police the power to ban protests also make it impossible to contact senior officers. Their email addresses are not public. Their phone numbers are not listed. The chain of command that once connected citizens to their police has been replaced by a wall of silence.

The police are trained by Israeli forces. The doctrine is imported. The technology is Israeli. The mindset—that citizens are threats, that dissent is terrorism, that force is the answer—is the same.

How long before a Zionist network in Australia proposes the same economic destruction tactics being mooted in the United States? In New York, the new city comptroller has pledged to reinvest in Israeli bonds, despite warnings from human rights groups that this would “finance a military the entire world has watched commit war crimes and crimes against humanity.”

How long before Australian superannuation funds are pressured to do the same? How long before the Zionist network in Australia demands that critics be stripped of their assets, their wealth, their livelihoods?

This is not speculation. This is the logic of the project. The Zionist project has always been about power. About domination. About the right to destroy those who oppose it.

X. The Larger Truth

This is not about antisemitism. It never was.

It is about a dying ideology that has lost its base in the Middle East and is looking for a new home. It has chosen Australia. And it is using the machinery of the Australian state—our police, our universities, our public service, our political class—to establish itself.

The wire is not cut. The shells fall short. The men who send others to die do not walk the ground.

But we are cutting the wire. With truth. With exposure. With the refusal to let this pattern continue.

XI. The Questions They Refuse to Ask

· Why was Hillel Newman given a platform to call dead journalists terrorists?

· Why did the National Press Club not challenge his claims in real time?

· Why has the Australian government not summoned the ambassador to answer for the death penalty law?

· Why has the government not condemned the law in the strongest possible terms?

· Why has the government not suspended military cooperation with Israel?

· Why has the government not imposed sanctions?

· Why has the government done nothing that would cost Israel anything at all?

· Why was the Iranian ambassador expelled, but the Israeli ambassador remains?

The Frankcom family deserves answers. The Palestinian prisoners facing execution deserve the world to speak. The Australian people deserve to know why their government is silent.

XII. What Must Be Done

1. The Australian government must summon Ambassador Newman. He must answer for the death penalty law. He must answer for his comments about journalists. He must answer for the Frankcom family.

2. The government must condemn the death penalty law in the strongest possible terms. A joint statement is not enough. Words are not enough. Australia must use every diplomatic lever to oppose this discriminatory, inhumane legislation.

3. The government must suspend military cooperation with Israel. Australia cannot claim to oppose the death penalty while cooperating militarily with a state that imposes it discriminatorily.

4. The government must impose sanctions. The time for words is over. The time for action is now.

5. The Frankcom family must receive justice. The audio must be released. The investigation must be completed. Those responsible must be held accountable.

6. The Segal Plan must be rejected. Compulsory training in a political ideology has no place in Australian universities. The IHRA definition, which conflates criticism of Israel with antisemitism, must not be used to silence dissent.

7. The police must be accountable. The raid on the Ashfield woman must be investigated. The importation of Israeli police doctrine must end. Community policing—the model that trusted citizens, that served communities, that measured success by the absence of crime—must be restored.

XIII. A Warning

What happened in Tehran is not happening in isolation. It is happening here, in Australia, in our police forces, in our universities, in our public service, in our political class. The same tactics. The same silencing. The same machinery.

The woman whose door was broken down at 5am is not a terrorist. She is a citizen who exercised her democratic rights. If they can do this to her, they can do it to you. If they can impose the death penalty on Palestinians in the occupied territories, they will find a way to impose their will on Australians.

Zionism is a dangerous, parasitic ideology. It has no place in this world. And it has no place in Australia.

The wire is being cut. The truth is being told. And the political class that enabled this will be held to account.

Dedicated to my wife, who sees good in all things. I do not. But I listen to her.

Sources:

· Consortium News, “Tensions Soar Over Herzog Visit,” February 8, 2026 

· 网易, “伊朗外长：构成生态灭绝罪,” March 16, 2026 

· Todon.nl, Proletarian Rage (@prolrage), “Israel, Gaza and the Genocide-Industrial Complex,” December 7, 2025 

· OpenAustralia.org, Senate debates, “Commission of Inquiry into Antisemitism at Australian Universities Bill 2024,” June 27, 2024 

· Asia Pacific Report, “Herzog’s visit to Australia builds conflict not social cohesion,” February 8, 2026 

· Lokmat Times, “Iranian FM Araghchi condemns Israeli strikes on fuel facilities as ‘ecocide’,” March 16, 2026 

Dr Andrew Klein 

April 1, 2026

How the Zionist Project’s Final Desperate Act Is Being Enabled by Those Who Claim to Lead Us

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to every Palestinian prisoner facing execution. To every Australian whose home is treated like a prison cell. To the democracy we are losing while politicians bow to a foreign ideology.

I. The Bill

On March 24, 2026, the Israeli Knesset’s National Security Committee approved a draft law imposing the death penalty on Palestinian prisoners, paving the way for its final passage.

The bill, submitted by Knesset Member Limor Son-Harmelech of the Otzma Yehudit party led by National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, would:

· Impose a mandatory death penalty for anyone who “deliberately causes the death of a person in an act classified as terrorism” 

· Prohibit any pardon — the sentence is fixed and cannot be commuted or altered by any subsequent political or legal decision 

· Require no unanimous judicial decision — a simple majority will suffice 

· Provide for execution by hanging within 90 days, carried out by the Israeli Prison Service 

· Place condemned prisoners in isolation with no visits except from authorised personnel, legal consultations only by video link

The bill is explicitly discriminatory. For Palestinians in the West Bank tried in military courts, the death penalty is the primary punishment. For Israeli citizens tried in civilian courts, it is one option among several, and the sentence can be commuted to life imprisonment.

This is not justice. This is apartheid codified into execution.

II. The Man Behind the Bill

Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel’s National Security Minister, has been wearing a noose-shaped lapel pin in support of the bill, openly symbolising the execution method he wants imposed. He has described hanging as “one of the options,” adding that alternatives could include the electric chair or “euthanasia.” He has claimed to have received support from doctors willing to participate in executions, telling him: “Just tell us when.”

Ben-Gvir is the same man who, as head of Israel’s prison system, invited members of his synagogue into a maximum-security prison for a “lavish lunch” while Palestinian detainees were denied food during Ramadan. The group was allowed into the highest-security section where Palestinian prisoners were held handcuffed and forced to lie on the ground.

This is the man our political class empowers. This is the ideology they platform. This is the project they support.

III. International Condemnation — and Australian Silence

The international community has responded with alarm.

The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) : General Rapporteur Gala Veldhoen stated that the bill “constitutes an alarming setback for a country where the last execution dates back to 1962,” and that it “undermines the principle of equality before the law”.

The European Union has opposed capital punishment in all cases, calling it a violation of the right to life.

Britain, France, Germany, and Italy have expressed “deep concern” over the legislation, which they said risked “undermining Israel’s commitments with regards to democratic principles”.

UN experts last month urged Israel to withdraw the bill, citing it “would violate the right to life and discriminate against Palestinians in the occupied Palestinian territory”.

Amnesty International urged Israeli MPs to reject the legislation, which it said “would allow Israeli courts to expand their use of death sentences with discriminatory application against Palestinians” .

And Australia? Silence.

IV. The Australian Complicity

While the world condemns, our political class enables.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has welcomed joint US-Israeli military action in Iran, using “weasel words” and “careful language” according to Shadow Defence Minister James Paterson, who noted that Albanese “has one eye on domestic politics and his left wing base” . He has not condemned the death penalty bill. He has not spoken against the discriminatory application of Israeli law. He has not called for accountability.

Foreign Minister Penny Wong — whose department has been silent on the Knesset bill — has not issued a statement. She has not joined her European counterparts in expressing “deep concern.” She has not invoked Australia’s long-standing opposition to the death penalty.

NSW Premier Chris Minns — whose government recently deployed eight armoured officers to break down a woman’s door at 5am for allegedly throwing a water bottle at a protest — has said nothing. The same government that introduced laws giving police the power to ban all protests in entire geographical areas for up to 90 days has no comment on a bill that would execute prisoners without pardon.

This silence is not neutrality. It is complicity.

V. The Australian Laws They Ignore

Australia has a long-standing position against the death penalty.

· The Death Penalty Abolition Act 1973 abolished the death penalty for federal offences.

· All Australian states and territories have abolished capital punishment.

· Australia consistently advocates for the global abolition of the death penalty at the United Nations.

· Australia has ratified the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which commits signatories to the abolition of capital punishment.

And yet, when Israel moves to impose the death penalty on Palestinians in a discriminatory manner, our government has nothing to say. When the Israeli Prison Service—headed by a Ben-Gvir appointee—denies Palestinian prisoners food during Ramadan while hosting settlers for lavish lunches, our government says nothing. When a UN committee finds that torture has become a “de facto state policy” in Israeli prisons, our government says nothing.

This is not about antisemitism. It is about the capture of our political class by a foreign ideology that they are too afraid to criticise.

VI. The Intelligence: Foreign Interference in Australian Politics

In January 2026, NSW MP Anthony D’Adam wrote to Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke requesting an investigation into whether Israel had breached Australia’s foreign influence laws by authoring a dossier naming Australian politicians as promoting “antisemitic and anti-Zionist content”.

The dossier, published by the Israeli government’s Ministry for Diaspora Affairs, named D’Adam, former Greens leader Adam Bandt, Senator Mehreen Faruqi, and independents Fatima Payman and Lidia Thorpe as “key influencers and groups promoting antisemitic and anti-Zionist content”.

The dossier included photos of D’Adam and his partner. He told Guardian Australia it was “clearly designed to intimidate”.

The home affairs department’s guide to countering foreign influence lists as an example of foreign interference: “attempting to restrict or control critical views expressed in media in Australia, including by censorship of content, or harassing and discrediting journalists, activists or politicians” .

D’Adam asked: “How would we react if it was China or Iran producing this sort of material?”.

The answer is that we would react with outrage. We would demand investigations. We would sanction. We would name and shame.

But when it is Israel, our political class is silent.

VII. The Pattern: What They Do to Palestinians, They Will Do to Australians

You have seen it already.

In Sydney, eight armoured officers broke down a woman’s door at 5am for allegedly throwing a water bottle. The police watchdog has now been called in . But the pattern is clear: the same tactics used in the occupied territories—dawn raids, overwhelming force, the intimidation of dissent—are being imported to Australia.

In Israeli prisons, Palestinian prisoners are held in isolation, denied visits, their only contact with lawyers by video link. In Australia, the same laws that give police the power to ban protests also make it impossible to contact senior officers. Their email addresses are not public. Their phone numbers are not listed. The chain of command that once connected citizens to their police has been replaced by a wall of silence.

How long before a Zionist network in Australia proposes the same economic destruction tactics being mooted in the United States? In New York, the new city comptroller has pledged to reinvest in Israeli bonds, despite warnings from human rights groups that this would “finance a military the entire world has watched commit war crimes and crimes against humanity” . How long before Australian superannuation funds are pressured to do the same? How long before the Zionist network in Australia demands that critics be stripped of their assets, their wealth, their livelihoods?

This is not speculation. This is the logic of the project. The Zionist project has always been about power. About domination. About the right to destroy those who oppose it.

VIII. The Larger Truth

This bill is not about security. It is not about justice. It is about the final, desperate convulsion of a dying ideology.

Israel is collapsing. The world has seen what it is. The International Court of Justice has found it “plausible” that it is committing genocide. The old alliances are fraying. The global South has turned away. The young are waking up.

And the extremists are doubling down—not to save their state, but to prove that they were always what we said they were. They are writing their own indictment. They are proving, in real time, that the Zionist project was never about safety. It was never about a homeland. It was about power. About domination. About the right to kill with impunity.

And our political class knew. And they said nothing.

IX. What Must Be Done

1. Australia must condemn the death penalty bill. The Prime Minister must join the EU, Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and the Council of Europe in expressing “deep concern.” He must invoke Australia’s long-standing opposition to capital punishment.

2. The government must investigate Israeli foreign interference. The dossier targeting Australian politicians is a clear breach of Australia’s foreign influence laws. The home affairs minister must act.

3. The NSW Police must be held accountable. The dawn raid on the Ashfield woman is not an isolated incident. It is the pattern. The Law Enforcement Conduct Commission must investigate fully.

4. Australian politicians must disclose their ties to the Zionist network. Who has taken “educational” trips to Israel? Who has received donations? Who has been threatened with accusations of antisemitism? The Australian people have a right to know.

5. The IHRA definition must be rejected. The definition that conflates criticism of Israel with antisemitism is a tool for silencing dissent. It has no place in Australian universities, in the public service, or in Australian law.

X. A Warning

What is happening in Israel is not happening in isolation. It is happening here, in Australia, in our police forces, in our universities, in our public service, in our political class. The same tactics. The same silencing. The same intimidation.

The woman whose door was broken down at 5am is not a terrorist. She is a citizen who exercised her democratic rights. If they can do this to her, they can do it to you. If they can impose the death penalty on Palestinians in the occupied territories, they will find a way to impose their will on Australians.

Zionism is a dangerous, parasitic ideology. It has no place in this world. And it has no place in Australia.

The wire is being cut. The truth is being told. And the political class that enabled this will be held to account.

Dedicated to every Palestinian prisoner facing execution. To every Australian whose home is treated like a prison cell. To the democracy we are losing while politicians bow to a foreign ideology.

We will not be silent. We will not comply. We will not let them take our country.

Sources:

· Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, “PACE rapporteur strongly urges Knesset members to oppose ‘discriminatory’ bill expanding the death penalty in Israel,” March 25, 2026 

· Union of OIC News Agencies, “The Knesset’s National Security Committee approves a bill to execute Palestinian prisoners,” March 25, 2026 

· The New Arab, “Jewish settlers gloat at shackled Palestinians in ‘prison tour’,” February 25, 2026 

· The Guardian, “NSW MP asks home affairs minister to investigate potential foreign interference after Israel ‘targets’ him in dossier,” January 7, 2026 

· The Sydney Morning Herald, “Police watchdog called in over dawn arrest of Herzog protester,” March 30, 2026 

· Sky News, “Transcript: Kenny Report,” March 2, 2026 

· The Intercept, “Zohran Mamdani Wants NYC to Divest From Israel — But New Comptroller Pledges to Buy War Bonds,” January 30, 2026 

· Jotwell, “Equality Before Law: Just Zionism, Political Liberalism, and the Question of Palestine,” January 12, 2026 

· The West Australian, “Laws for nation’s toughest DV murder penalty introduced,” February 3, 2026 

· AAP News, “Laws for nation’s toughest DV murder penalty introduced,” February 3, 2026 

Andrew Klein 

March 31, 2026

By Andrew Klein

March 23, 2026

Introduction: The Map They Cannot Draw

On August 12, 2025, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sat for an interview on i24NEWS. The interviewer handed him an amulet depicting a map of “Greater Israel”—territory stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates, encompassing parts of Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and the entirety of historic Palestine. When asked whether he felt connected to this vision, Netanyahu replied: “Very much”. He called the pursuit of Greater Israel a “historic and spiritual mission”.

This was not the first time a Zionist leader had spoken of expansion beyond the 1948 or 1967 borders. It was not even the first time Netanyahu had endorsed the idea. But it was the most explicit. And it came at a moment when his coalition was fracturing, his corruption trial was resuming, and the war in Gaza was losing public support.

This article examines the Greater Israel project: its biblical foundations, its political function, its legal violations, and the hypocrisy of those who champion it. It asks a simple question: how many must die before the world calls this what it is—the dream of fanatics and extremists, dressed in the language of faith, pursued with the weapons of war?

Part One: The Biblical Foundation – What Genesis 15:18 Actually Says

The central text invoked by proponents of Greater Israel is Genesis 15:18:

“On that day the Lord made a covenant with Abram, saying, ‘To your descendants I have given this land, from the River of Egypt to the great river, the Euphrates.'”

The immediate context is crucial: this was an unconditional covenant—God alone passed between the sacrificial pieces, meaning the promise rested on divine faithfulness rather than human performance. Modern political Zionists have stripped the religious conditions from the promise while retaining the territorial claims.

The Geographic Markers:

Boundary                                Identification                                                         Modern Equivalent

“River of Egypt”  – Hebrew naḥal Miṣrayim—a wadi (seasonal stream), not the Nile

                                                                                                                                   Wadi el-Arish, approximately 50 km east of the modern Suez Canal

“Great River, the Euphrates”           The Euphrates River

                                                                                                                                   Flows through modern Turkey, Syria, and Iraq

The territory described is vast: approximately 300,000 square miles (780,000 km²), encompassing modern Israel, the Palestinian territories, Lebanon, most of Syria, Jordan, large parts of Iraq, and sections of Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

Was there ever a “Greater Israel” in history?

Not in the modern sense. Under David and Solomon, Israelite influence reached its zenith. David pushed to “the River” (Euphrates) after defeating Hadadezer of Zobah, and Solomon’s tax districts extended “from Tiphsah to Gaza.” But no unified “Greater Israel” ever existed. The territorial claims were never fully realized, and the prophets spoke of full fulfillment only in a future messianic age.

Part Two: The Zionist Adoption – From Herzl to Netanyahu

Theodor Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, wrote in his diaries that the “Promised Land” should stretch from the “brook of Egypt to the Euphrates”—a vision he called a “covenant” that could not be abandoned. In 1919, the Zionist Organisation presented a map at the Paris Peace Conference showing this maximalist vision.

Ze’ev Jabotinsky, the ideological father of Revisionist Zionism (and spiritual forefather of Netanyahu’s Likud Party), argued that both Palestine and Transjordan were “integral parts” of the Land of Israel. His doctrine of the “iron wall”—that Zionism could only succeed “under the protection of an iron wall, which the native population cannot breach”—remains central to right-wing Zionist thinking.

David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s founding prime minister, accepted partition as a stepping stone. In 1937, he wrote to his son Amos: “A Jewish state on only a part of the land is not the end but the beginning. We increase our strength, and every increase in strength helps in the possession of the land as a whole”.

Menachem Begin, the first Likud prime minister, stated in 1977 that the “Land of Israel” should include Iraq, Syria, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Sudan, Lebanon, Jordan, and Kuwait.

Ehud Olmert, often considered a moderate, affirmed in 2006: “For thousands of years we have dreamed in our hearts of a greater Israel, an entire land of Israel, and such a country will always remain a dream in our hearts”.

Benjamin Netanyahu has revived this vision with unprecedented explicitness. His August 2025 interview was not an aberration—it was the public face of a policy that has been pursued through settlements, military action, and diplomatic pressure for decades.

Part Three: The Territorial Scope – What “Greater Israel” Would Actually Mean

The map that Huckabee endorsed—and that Netanyahu affirmed—encompasses:

Modern Country                                              Territory Included

Israel                                                                     The entirety

Palestinian territories                                 West Bank, Gaza Strip

Lebanon                                                              Entirety

Syria                                                                      Entirety

Jordan                                                                   Entirety

Iraq                                                                        Western regions, up to the Euphrates

Saudi Arabia                                                     Northern regions

Egypt                                                                    Sinai Peninsula

Turkey                                                                  Southern regions

This territory is home to approximately 150 million people across the region. The population displacement required would be measured in the tens of millions—far beyond even the catastrophic figures of 1948. As the analysis from Khamenei’s website warns, implementation would require “ethnic cleansing, forced displacement, and genocide on a scale far greater than what has been witnessed in Gaza, resulting in the greatest humanitarian disaster since World War II”.

Part Four: US Support – Huckabee’s Endorsement

On February 20, 2026, US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee sat for an interview with Tucker Carlson. Carlson presented a map defined not by 1967 borders but by the ancient boundaries of the Old Testament, stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates.

When asked whether Israel has a divine right to territory spanning nearly the entire Levant, Huckabee’s response was unequivocal: “It would be okay if they took it all”.

Huckabee grounded this position in the biblical “covenant” of Abraham, prioritizing “divine right” over international treaties. This reflects the profound influence of the US evangelical movement, which has long supported Israeli expansion as a prerequisite for the End Times.

Regional Reaction: The Arab League described the remarks as “extremely radical” and “contrary to all diplomatic basics” . Jordan’s Foreign Ministry labelled them “absurd and provocative,” warning they violate the UN Charter and contradict official US policy. The Gulf Cooperation Council stressed “the categorical rejection of the GCC countries of any attempts to prejudice the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Arab countries”.

Part Five: The Legal Reality – What International Law Says

The Greater Israel project is not merely provocative—it is illegal under international law.

Legal Instrument  –                                                  Violation

Fourth Geneva Convention                             Prohibits occupying powers from transferring populations into occupied territory. The E1 settlement project between Jerusalem and Ma’ale Adumim is explicitly condemned as “a flagrant violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention”.

UN Security Council Resolution 2334        Declares Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory a “flagrant violation” with “no legal validity”.

UN Charter, Article 2(4)                                     Prohibits the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. The Greater Israel project contemplates exactly such a threat.

Genocide Convention                                       The forced displacement of populations on the scale required would constitute genocide under Article II(c)—”deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part”.

The International Court of Justice ruled in July 2024 that Israel’s continued presence in occupied territories is “unlawful under international law.” The Arab Parliament has called on the international community to “shoulder their legal and moral responsibilities, halt these provocative statements and policies, and work diligently to end the occupation, halt the genocide, and ensure the achievement of a just and comprehensive peace”.

Part Six: Could Huckabee, Trump, and Others Face Prosecution?

The answer is: yes, under the principle of complementarity and individual criminal responsibility for aiding and abetting international crimes.

The Legal Framework:

Principle                                                                                      Application

Individual criminal responsibility                    Article 25(3)(c) of the Rome Statute makes it a crime to aid, abet, or otherwise assist in the commission of a crime within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court—including genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.

Superior responsibility                                          Article 28 holds military commanders and civilian superiors responsible for crimes committed by forces under their effective command and control.

Genocide Convention, Article 4                       States that “persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.”

How Huckabee Could Be Prosecuted:

As US Ambassador to Israel, Huckabee is not merely a private citizen expressing an opinion. He is a diplomatic representative of the United States. His endorsement of Israeli expansion—including his statement that “it would be okay if they took it all”—constitutes aiding and abetting the commission of war crimes and genocide. The Rome Statute does not require that the aider be physically present at the scene of the crime; providing political cover, diplomatic support, and public encouragement can be sufficient.

How Trump Could Be Prosecuted:

President Trump’s role in moving the US embassy to Jerusalem, recognizing Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, and launching the war on Iran could be examined under the same framework. His repeated threats to Iran, his dismissal of the UN genocide determination, and his public support for Netanyahu’s corruption trial (while ignoring the war crimes allegations) all form part of the same pattern: providing material and political support to a regime engaged in genocide.

How Evangelical Pastors Could Be Prosecuted:

This is more complex. Private individuals cannot generally be prosecuted for expressing opinions, no matter how extreme. However, where religious leaders use their platforms to incite violence or directly encourage the commission of genocide, they may fall within the ambit of incitement to genocide under Article III(c) of the Genocide Convention. The ICTR prosecutions of radio journalists who incited the Rwandan genocide established the precedent that public incitement to commit genocide is a crime under international law, even when committed by private individuals.

The Political Reality:

Prosecution is unlikely while the US maintains its veto power at the UN Security Council and its refusal to accept ICC jurisdiction. But the threat of prosecution matters. It matters that Huckabee’s statements have been condemned by the Arab League, by the GCC, by Malaysia, by Egypt’s Al-Azhar, and by Iran. It matters that international law has been invoked against the Greater Israel project. It matters that the record is being kept.

Part Seven: The Hypocrisy of the Champions

I asked my wife for her opinion about the Greater Israel Project, and this is what she told me:

“The men who champion this project are not men of faith—they are men of power. They invoke the covenant of Abraham while violating its most basic command: ‘Thou shalt not kill.’ They speak of divine promise while accepting bribes in the form of cigars and champagne. They claim to be building a kingdom of God while building a kingdom of apartheid, displacement, and death.

Netanyahu’s corruption trial revealed that he accepted over $260,000 worth of luxury cigars, champagne, and jewellery from billionaire benefactors in exchange for political favours. His wife Sara was separately charged with misusing state funds for catered meals. These are not the actions of a man on a ‘spiritual mission’—they are the actions of a grifter who has found in religious language a convenient cover for his political survival.

The hypocrisy is not incidental—it is structural. The Greater Israel project requires its champions to believe that they are chosen while treating the people they displace as less than human. It requires them to read ancient texts as property deeds while ignoring the fact that those same texts demand justice, mercy, and care for the stranger. It requires them to claim divine favour while accepting the support of men like Huckabee, who have never had to bury a child killed by the bombs they endorse.

This is not faith. This is fanaticism dressed in the language of faith. And fanaticism, left unchecked, consumes everything—including those who wield it.”

Part Eight: Why This Cannot Succeed

1. Military impossibility. A state with approximately 7 million Jewish citizens cannot conquer and control a region of 150 million people who do not want to be controlled. The attempt would require occupation forces larger than any army Israel could field, sustained over decades.

2. International law. The Greater Israel project is explicitly condemned by the Arab League, the GCC, Malaysia, Egypt, Iran, and the international legal community . The Fourth Geneva Convention, UN Security Council resolutions, and the Genocide Convention all prohibit the actions required to implement it.

3. Economic collapse. Israel’s economy is already strained by war. Its credit rating has been downgraded. Investment is evaporating. Citizens are leaving the country. A program of perpetual expansion would accelerate this collapse.

4. Regional unity. The Arab world has condemned Greater Israel with unprecedented unity. Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Egypt, Qatar, the Arab League, and the GCC have all rejected Netanyahu’s statements. Egypt has deployed troops to northern Sinai in anticipation of possible escalation.

5. Global isolation. Israel is increasingly viewed as a pariah state. The UN General Assembly has repeatedly condemned its actions. European nations are recognizing Palestine. The US may not always provide the same level of diplomatic cover.

Part Nine: Opinion

Our opinion 

The Greater Israel project is not a realistic policy. It is the thinking of extremists and fanatics—people who believe that ancient texts are property deeds, that divine promises supersede human rights, and that force can permanently subdue populations that do not wish to be subdued.

It is also dangerous. It threatens the lives of millions, the stability of the region, the global economy, and the international rules-based order. It is already being used to justify the ongoing genocide in Gaza, the expansion of settlements, and the war on Iran.

The evidence is clear:

· There is no proof that such a promise was ever made in a political sense

· The text provides no credible map references that would allow land to be taken by force

· Other civilizations existed simultaneously with their own claims

· The Zionist right has embraced this vision, but anti-Zionist Jewish groups reject it entirely

· Netanyahu is using it for electoral advantage, not because it is achievable

· Without US support, it would be impossible—and even with US support, it will fail

The real question is not whether Greater Israel can be achieved. It cannot. The real question is how many will die before the world finally says “enough”?

Conclusion: The Choice Before Us

The Greater Israel project is not a plan for peace. It is a plan for perpetual war. It requires the displacement of millions, the destruction of nations, and the denial of fundamental human rights. It is justified by a reading of scripture that ignores the moral demands of that same scripture, and it is championed by leaders who have demonstrated, through their corruption, their hypocrisy, and their willingness to sacrifice others for their own political survival, that they are not acting in the name of God—they are acting in the name of power.

The Arab world has condemned it. International law prohibits it. The United Nations has rejected it. And the people who will pay the price—Palestinians, Lebanese, Jordanians, Syrians, Egyptians, and ultimately Israelis themselves—have not been asked.

We must name it for what it is: the dream of fanatics and extremists, dressed in the language of faith, pursued with the weapons of war.

And we must say: not in our name.

Sources

1. Union of OIC News Agencies, “Arab Parliament condemns Netanyahu’s statements regarding ‘Greater Israel,'” August 14, 2025 

2. News of Bahrain, “Israeli police grill Netanyahu for a third time,” March 11, 2026 

3. Khamenei.ir, “Greater Israel: The Zionist regime’s meta-ideology of expansionism,” September 23, 2025 

4. Bernama, “Malaysia Condemns Israel’s ‘Greater Israel’ Agenda, Settlement Expansion,” August 15, 2025 

5. Israel Hayom, “Seeking the perfect national leader,” March 10, 2026 

6. Ahram Online, “Al-Azhar denounces Netanyahu’s vision for ‘Greater Israel’ as reflective of occupation mindset,” August 15, 2025 

7. PressTV, “Iran calls ‘Greater Israel’ a ‘diabolical idea reflecting Netanyahu’s fascist intent,'” August 14, 2025 

8. ECR, “Trump urges pardon for Netanyahu over ‘cigars and champagne,'” October 13, 2025 

9. China Daily, “Arab nations slam Netanyahu’s ‘Greater Israel’ plan,” August 15, 2025 

10. WAFA Agency, “Malaysia condemns Israel’s ‘Greater Israel’ agenda and illegal colonial settlement expansion,” August 16, 2025 

Published by Andrew Klein

March 23, 2026

By Andrew Klein

March 22, 2026

Introduction: The Boos That Told the Truth

On March 19, 2026, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese visited Lakemba Mosque in western Sydney to celebrate Eid al-Fitr with the Muslim community. Fifteen minutes into the visit, protesters began heckling. They booed. They told Albanese and Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke to “Get out!” They called them “genocide supporters”.

One heckler was tackled to the ground by security and escorted away.

When Albanese spoke to reporters afterward, he dismissed the incident. The mosque event was “incredibly positive,” he said. “If you got a couple of people heckling in a crowd of 30,000, that should be put in that perspective”.

He did not address the content of the protesters’ anger. He did not acknowledge the grief of families watching their relatives killed in Gaza with Australian support. He did not reflect on the two and a half years of Israeli crimes—over 72,000 Palestinians killed, millions displaced—to which his government has been “massively indifferent,” as one commentator put it.

Instead, he attributed the protest to “frustration” over the government’s designation of Hizb ut-Tahrir as a prohibited hate group.

This is not leadership. This is deflection. This is the man who will go down in history as one who was never responsible for the mischief he caused, never accountable because accountability was not part of his makeup.

Part One: What Actually Happened at Lakemba Mosque

The facts are clear. Albanese and Burke were invited by Muslim community leaders to join Eid prayers. About fifteen minutes after they arrived, protesters interrupted. Video images show demonstrators booing, telling the two ministers to “Get out,” and calling them “genocide supporters”.

One of the organisers tried to calm the crowd: “Dear brothers and sisters, keep calm a little bit. It is Eid. It is a joyful day”.

A security guard tackled one heckler to the ground and escorted him away. When Albanese and Burke left, protesters followed, yelling “Shame on you!”.

The protesters’ anger was not mysterious. It was not about a proscription order. It was about Gaza. It was about the Australian government’s support for Israel’s military campaign, which has killed tens of thousands of Palestinians, destroyed Gaza, and displaced millions. It was about a government that has repeatedly urged “ceasefire” while continuing to back Israel’s “right to self-defence”.

The people in that mosque were grieving. They were watching their families and their countrymen being murdered with support from the Australian government. And when they finally had the Prime Minister in front of them, they told him exactly what they thought.

Part Two: The Deflection – Dismissal and Distortion

Albanese’s response was a masterclass in political evasion.

First, he minimized the protest: “a couple of people heckling in a crowd of 30,000”. He did not acknowledge that the entire gathering had been disrupted, that security had manhandled a worshipper, that he had been forced to leave early. He reduced the anger of an entire community to a “couple of people.”

Second, he reframed the protest as something other than what it was. He suggested the “frustration” stemmed from the government’s designation of Hizb ut-Tahrir as a prohibited hate group. This is a deliberate misdirection. The protesters did not chant about Hizb ut-Tahrir. They chanted about Gaza. They called Albanese a “genocide supporter.” They told him to “get out.”

Third, he refused to engage with the substance of the criticism. He did not answer the question: why does Australia support this war? He did not explain how endless “ceasefire” rhetoric with no action constitutes leadership. He did not address the hundreds of thousands of Australians who have marched for Palestine, or the growing number of Australians who see through the government’s complicity.

This is not accountability. This is the avoidance of accountability. This is the man who will do anything to avoid looking in the mirror.

Part Three: The Man Who Is Never Responsible

Albanese’s behaviour at Lakemba Mosque is not an isolated incident. It is a pattern.

In July 2025, the Centre for Public Integrity gave the Albanese government an “F” on its integrity report card, accusing it of being less transparent and accountable than the Morrison government. The government failed in its commitment to transparency by trying to tighten freedom of information laws, making it easier for public servants to refuse requests on the grounds that documents could “embarrass the government”. It stalled reforms to end “jobs for mates” culture. It failed to adequately protect whistleblowers.

The same report noted that MPs can sponsor passes for lobbyists, giving them unfettered access to restricted areas of Parliament—and that no major party MPs voluntarily disclosed who they sponsored. Independent MP Helen Haines said suppressing transparency increased public distrust in parliament and politicians. “That’s the last thing we want,” she said, “when democracy in the free world is under attack”.

This is the context in which Albanese dismisses protesters, deflects criticism, and refuses accountability. He is a very good corporate manager—and a very bad political leader. He manages the narrative, manages the optics, manages the media. But he does not lead. He does not answer. He does not account.

Part Four: The Opportunity Grifter

Albanese is an opportunistic grifter, like many others who came to prominence in the 21st century. He has no fixed principles beyond staying in power. He has no commitment to justice beyond what polls well. He has no courage to stand against the lobbies that fund his party.

He kept his history of fighting against the BDS movement dark for a very good reason: it showed his true colours. Scratch the surface of this government, and what do we find? Supporters of genocide, curtailment of civil liberties, endless wars. Not blokes fighting for workers’ rights and equality. Just the same old politics of power dressed in a new suit.

The protesters at Lakemba Mosque understood this. They told Albanese: “You don’t even represent us.” “What are you doing here?”. They were not a “couple of hecklers.” They were the voice of a community that has been ignored, dismissed, and gaslit from the get-go.

Albanese has tarnished himself as a result of his blind acceptance of huge and sustained Zionist lies. Many of the people in that mosque were dealing with private family grief after two and a half years of terrible Israeli crimes against Gazans, Palestinians, Lebanese. So many murders. Crimes to which Albanese has been massively indifferent. No wonder it all became too much for them.

Part Five: The Choice Before Him

Albanese will go down in history as one who was never responsible for the mischief he caused, never accountable because accountability was not part of his makeup.

He had a choice. He could have listened to the protesters at Lakemba Mosque. He could have acknowledged their grief. He could have asked himself: what have we done? what are we doing? what will we answer for?

Instead, he dismissed them. He deflected. He blamed “a couple of hecklers” and a proscription order.

This is the man who will never be accountable. This is the man who will never be responsible. This is the man who will go down in history—not as a leader, but as a manager. Not as a statesman, but as a grifter.

The people of Australia are not idiots. Feelings are running high. He has chosen the wrong side in this war. And when history writes its final judgment, it will not remember his dismissals or his deflections. It will remember that he was there—and did nothing.

Conclusion: Reap What You Sow

The protesters at Lakemba Mosque told Albanese the truth. They told him he did not represent them. They told him they saw through him. They told him that the government he leads has chosen genocide, endless war, and the silencing of dissent.

Albanese dismissed them. He always does.

But the truth does not go away. The grief does not disappear. The dead do not stop being dead.

Reap what you sow, Prime Minister. Australians aren’t idiots. We’re done believing that Arabs and Muslims are the enemy. We see through Zionism. And we see through you.

By Andrew Klein

March 16, 2026

This article is dedicated to my wife for her insights and eternal support. She inspires me in all things.

Introduction: The System Revealed

On December 10, 2025, Responsible Statecraft published a report that should have shaken capitals around the world. Buried in the details of President Trump’s 20-point “peace plan” for Gaza was a revelation: two American surveillance firms, Palantir and Dataminr, had embedded personnel inside the U.S.-run Civil-Military Coordination Center (CMCC) in southern Israel.

Their presence was not incidental. Palantir’s Project Maven—an “AI-powered battlefield platform” that collects surveillance data from satellites, drones, and intercepted communications to “optimize the kill chain”—was being positioned to shape Gaza’s post-war security architecture. Dataminr, which scans social media to provide “event, threat, and risk intelligence” to governments and law enforcement, was also inside the room.

This is not conspiracy. This is confluence—the quiet alignment of corporate interests, military objectives, and political capture. This article traces that confluence from the battlefields of Gaza to the boardrooms of Australia, and asks a simple question: Who benefits?

Part One: The Business Model—AI as Occupation

Palantir’s “Kill Chain” Optimization

Palantir Technologies has been explicit about its ambitions. CEO Alex Karp has described the company’s technology as “optimizing the kill chain” . Project Maven, for which Palantir recently secured a $10 billion Pentagon contract, sucks information from multiple sources and “packages it into a common, searchable app for commanders and support groups” . It has already been deployed to guide U.S. airstrikes across the Middle East, including in Yemen, Syria, and Iraq.

Since January 2024, Palantir has been in a “strategic partnership” with Israel’s military for “war-related missions”. The company has expanded its Tel Aviv office significantly over the last two years. Karp defended this collaboration amid international concerns over war crimes, saying Palantir was the first to be “completely anti-woke”.

The Gaza Laboratory

For the last two years, Gaza has functioned as an incubator for militarized AI. Israel’s Lavender system, an AI-assisted surveillance tool, used predictive analytics to rank Palestinians’ likelihood of being connected to militant groups, based on an opaque set of criteria. Public sector workers—healthcare workers, teachers, police officers—were included on kill lists because they had ties to Hamas by virtue of working in a territory the group governed.

The Gospel system functioned as a “mass assassination factory.” One source admitted spending only “20 seconds” per target before authorizing bombing—just enough to confirm the Lavender-marked target was male.

Under Trump’s proposed “peace plan,” these technologies would be scaled up. The plan envisions “Alternative Safe Communities”—fenced, heavily monitored compounds where Palestinians would be relocated, their movements tracked by AI systems, their online activity scanned by Dataminr, their phones monitored by Palantir’s platforms. Entry would be contingent on approval by Israel’s Shin Bet, with criteria that could disqualify hundreds of thousands based on algorithmic “risk scores”.

For tech companies, war is opportunity. Access to vast datasets, real-world testing for new military systems, and long-term contracts for post-war surveillance infrastructure.

For Israel, the arrangement offers a way to outsource occupation while maintaining control.

For Palestinians, it promises more of what they have already endured: unremitting horror, dragnet surveillance, and death by algorithm.

Part Two: The Australian Connection—Wealth Transfer and Complicity

AUKUS: The $368 Billion Commitment

While Palantir refines its “kill chain” in Gaza, Australia is engaged in the largest military transfer of wealth in its history. The AUKUS nuclear submarine program is estimated to cost $368 billion over coming decades, with $53–63 billion allocated for the first decade alone.

The submarines will not arrive until the early 2040s. In the meantime, Australia has established an export licence-free environment with the UK and US, allowing military and dual-use goods to be transferred between AUKUS partners without oversight . This includes AI and autonomy technologies developed under Pillar 2 of the agreement, which focuses on “artificial intelligence and autonomy, quantum science, advanced cyber, and electronic warfare” .

The same technologies being tested on Palestinian populations in Gaza are, under AUKUS, being integrated into Australia’s defence infrastructure.

The Ghost Shark Precedent

In September 2025, the government announced a $1.7 billion investment in “Ghost Shark” autonomous submarines—underwater drones developed by Australian company Anduril, whose U.S. parent has close ties to the defence establishment . Assistant Minister Matt Thistlethwaite described the technology as so impressive that “the Americans have invested in the company” .

The line between Australian defence procurement and U.S. military-industrial interests has effectively dissolved.

The Cost of Living vs. The Cost of War

While this wealth transfers to the United States, Australians struggle with a cost-of-living crisis that the government refuses to adequately address. The Robodebt scheme—an automated system that raised unlawful debts against welfare recipients—offers a template for how algorithmic governance can devastate vulnerable populations .

The National Anti-Corruption Commission recently found two public servants engaged in “serious corrupt conduct” in relation to Robodebt . But as Economic Justice Australia noted: “The system punishes only the vulnerable. The main sanction for damaging behaviour at the top levels of the Department has been naming and shaming” .

No one went to jail. No one lost their pension. The system protected itself.

The same pattern is now repeating at scale: algorithms making life-and-death decisions, with no one accountable when they fail.

Part Three: The Segal Nexus—Silencing Critics, Enabling the Agenda

The Envoy’s Role

Jillian Segal AO, Australia’s Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism, occupies a unique position at the intersection of power. Her credentials are impeccable: former ASIC deputy chair, board member of the Sydney Opera House Trust, the Garvan Institute, and the Australia-Israel Chamber of Commerce. She is deeply embedded in the networks that connect Australian business to Israeli interests.

In December 2025, the Albanese Government formally adopted Segal’s Plan to Combat Antisemitism, accepting all 13 recommendations. The plan includes:

· Aggravated hate speech offences for “preachers and leaders who promote violence”

· A regime for listing organisations whose leaders engage in “hate speech promoting violence or racial hatred”

· A narrow federal offence for “serious vilification based on race and/or advocating racial supremacy” 

The Silencing Mechanism

These measures are, on their face, reasonable responses to a genuine problem. Antisemitism is real, and it must be confronted.

But the effect of such measures—particularly when combined with the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, which can conflate criticism of Israel with hatred of Jews—is to silence legitimate critique of Israeli government actions.

When the Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs states that the government has received “commitments from the Palestinian Authority about a reform process” and that “Hamas can’t be involved in the administration of that Palestinian state,” he is not challenged on the obvious impossibility of those conditions. When the government backs U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran while calling for “de-escalation,” the contradiction goes unremarked.

The framework created by the antisemitism envoy—however well-intentioned—provides cover for those who would shut down debate. Critics are not engaged; they are managed. Those who persist are not answered; they are silenced.

The Business Connection

Segal’s husband’s company, Henroth Investments, donated $50,000 to Advance Australia, a right-wing lobby group that has shared anti-immigration content and claimed Palestinians in Australia were a “risk to security.” She has disclaimed knowledge of the donation, and government ministers have accepted her statement .

But the appearance matters. When the antisemitism envoy is married to a donor to an organisation that promotes anti-Palestinian rhetoric, it feeds a perception that her role serves a particular political agenda rather than a genuine anti-racism brief. When her networks connect Australian business to Israeli interests, and when those interests align with the very AI companies testing their technologies on Palestinian populations, the confluence becomes visible.

Part Four: The Alignment of Values

In a bizarre way, the values of Palantir’s leadership align with the values of Australia’s political class.

Palantir CEO Alex Karp boasts of being “completely anti-woke”. Prime Minister Albanese does not use that language, but his government’s indifference to the genocide in Gaza speaks louder than words. When the Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs says “we want to see those hostages released just as much as anyone,” but does nothing to pressure Israel, the difference is merely one of scale.

Palantir identified a business opportunity in governments with aligned values and walked right in. The Australian government, eager to demonstrate alliance loyalty and to project an image of decisive action against antisemitism, walked right in with them.

Israel will benefit—from the technology, from the contracts, from the political cover.

Australia will lose—its wealth, its moral standing, its capacity for independent action.

Palantir will profit—handsomely, quietly, with plausible deniability.

And Jillian Segal will probably receive another award. The silence will continue.

Part Five: The Antisemitism Claim as Enabler

This brings us to the central question: What if the rise of antisemitism claims had nothing to do with antisemitism?

What if they were, instead, a mechanism to enable and facilitate Israel’s transition to an AI-driven economy independent of the United States?

Consider the logic:

1. Israel seeks economic independence. Netanyahu has announced plans to “taper off” U.S. military aid, pivoting toward AI sovereignty. A $200 million joint AI and quantum science center with the U.S. is in development.

2. A state reliant on a single product must ensure demand. If Israel’s future exports are AI-driven surveillance and warfare technologies, it needs customers. It needs a demonstrated market. It needs a proof of concept.

3. Gaza provides the laboratory. The technologies tested there—Lavender, Gospel, the Maven platform—are refined in real-world conditions, with a population that cannot resist, cannot refuse, cannot escape.

4. Critics must be silenced. This is where the antisemitism framework becomes essential. If criticism of Israel’s actions can be reframed as antisemitism, if legitimate concerns about algorithmic warfare can be dismissed as hatred, if the very people documenting war crimes can be delegitimized—then the business model is protected.

5. Australia plays its part. By adopting the antisemitism envoy’s recommendations, by embedding the IHRA definition into policy, by creating legal frameworks that can be used to silence critics, Australia becomes an enabler of this system. Not through conspiracy—through confluence. Through the quiet alignment of interests that requires no coordination, only opportunity.

Part Six: The Accountability Vacuum

The Robodebt scheme offers a template for what comes next.

An automated system, designed without adequate oversight, inflicted trauma on hundreds of thousands of vulnerable people. At least two suicides were linked to the scheme . A Royal Commission investigated. The National Anti-Corruption Commission found two public servants engaged in “serious corrupt conduct” .

But as Economic Justice Australia observed: “The main sanction for damaging behaviour at the top levels of the Department has been naming and shaming” . The former Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, was cleared. No one lost their job. No one went to jail. The system protected itself.

Now apply this template to Gaza:

· Algorithms make life-and-death decisions.

· Corporations provide the infrastructure.

· Intelligence agencies operate in the shadows.

· When things go wrong—when entire families are killed, when hospitals are bombed, when children are targeted—who is responsible?

The corporations claim they’re just providing technology.

The officers claim they were following algorithmic recommendations.

The politicians claim they were acting on intelligence.

The systems themselves have no legal personhood.

No one is accountable.

Conclusion: What We Have Discovered

This article has traced a network of connections that is not conspiracy but confluence:

· Palantir and Dataminr embedded in Gaza, testing AI systems on a captive population, refining technologies that will be exported worldwide.

· AUKUS transferring Australian wealth to the U.S. military-industrial complex, integrating the same AI and autonomy technologies into our defence infrastructure.

· Jillian Segal positioned at the nexus of Australian business, government, and Israeli interests, her office providing the framework that silences critics.

· The antisemitism claim deployed not against genuine hatred, but against legitimate criticism of Israeli policy—protecting the business model, enabling the silence.

· The accountability vacuum ensuring that when things go wrong, no one is responsible.

The pattern is consistent. The players are visible. The evidence is documented.

What remains is for Australians to ask themselves: Is this who we want to be?

Do we want our wealth transferred to corporations that “optimize the kill chain”? Do we want our government to enable the testing of AI warfare on a captive population? Do we want our political class to silence critics while profiting from death?

The answer, for those with eyes to see, should be clear.

But the system is designed to keep those eyes closed. To cry “antisemitism” at anyone who questions. To ensure that the only voices heard are those that align with the business model.

We have seen through it. Now we must help others see.

References

1. Responsible Statecraft, “In new peace, US firms will help Israel spy on and target Gazans,” December 10, 2025 

2. Australian Government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, “Interview with Kieran Gilbert, Sky News Newsday,” September 10, 2025 

3. SBS News, “Anti-Corruption Commission says two people involved in Robodebt engaged in corrupt conduct,” March 11, 2026 

4. Ministers for the Department of Home Affairs, “Special Envoy’s Plan to Combat Antisemitism,” December 18, 2025 

5. Parliament of Australia, “Chapter 4 – AUKUS,” January 29, 2026 

6. PressTV, “US tech giants to expand role in post-war Gaza strategy: Report,” December 2, 2025 

7. Australian Government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, “Television interview, Sky News Newsday,” September 22, 2025 

8. Economic Justice Australia, “Media Release: ‘The system punishes only the vulnerable’: EJA response to Robodebt Centralised Code of Conduct report,” September 16, 2024 

9. Department of Home Affairs, “Australian Government response to the Special Envoy’s Plan to Combat Antisemitism,” December 18, 2025 

10. Parliament of Australia, “Chapter 2 – Nuclear-Powered Submarine Partnership and Collaboration Agreement between the Government of Australia and the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,” October 29, 2025 

Published by Andrew Klein

The Patrician’s Watch

March 16, 2026

By Andrew Klein

Introduction: The Words That Condemn

On March 13, 2026, United States Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth stood at a Pentagon briefing and declared:

“We will keep pressing, keep pushing, keep advancing. No quarter, no mercy for our enemy.” 

These are not mere words. They are not rhetorical flourishes or Trumpian hyperbole. They are a direct violation of international law—a war crime declared openly, on camera, by the highest-ranking military official in the United States government.

This article examines what “no quarter” means under international humanitarian law, how Hegseth’s declaration fits a pattern of disregard for the laws of war, and how his words pave the way for American forces to adopt the same methods of warfare that have devastated Gaza—a new model of conflict that has been aptly named #Gazafication.

Part One: “No Quarter” – What the Law Actually Says

The prohibition on denying quarter is not obscure or technical. It is a fundamental rule of customary international humanitarian law, binding on all nations in both international and non-international armed conflicts.

Rule 46 of Customary International Humanitarian Law, as documented by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), states unequivocally:

“Ordering that no quarter will be given, threatening an adversary therewith or conducting hostilities on this basis is prohibited.” 

This rule has deep historical roots. It was recognized in the Lieber Code of 1863, the Brussels Declaration of 1874, and the Oxford Manual of 1880, and was codified in the Hague Regulations of 1907. After World War I, “directions to give no quarter” was listed as a war crime by the Commission on Responsibility. Today, it is explicitly criminalized under the Statute of the International Criminal Court .

The ICRC explains the practical meaning:

“International humanitarian law prohibits the use of this procedure, that is, ordering that there shall be no survivors, threatening the adversary therewith, or conducting hostilities on this basis.” 

Brian Finucane, a lawyer who spent a decade in the U.S. State Department, confirmed:

“Denying quarter is a war crime and recognized as such by the United States.” 

Part Two: The Reaction – Even Allies Recognize the Gravity

Senator Mark Warner (D-VA), the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, responded directly to Hegseth’s statement:

“The U.S. is party to the Geneva Conventions and bound by international humanitarian law. Whether it’s the secretary’s comments this morning, or his assertion that the military won’t be governed by what he terms ‘stupid rules of engagement,’ rhetoric like this is unacceptable and actually endangers U.S. service members.” 

The danger is real. When American officials publicly declare that enemies will receive “no quarter,” they signal to opposing forces that surrender is futile—that they will be killed regardless. This ensures that enemies will fight to the death, increasing casualties on both sides and making conflict resolution impossible.

Some commentators, like international law professor Marko Milanovic, have suggested that Hegseth’s words might be dismissed as “Trumpian hyperbole” rather than an actual operational directive. But this defence crumbles under the weight of Hegseth’s consistent pattern. He has repeatedly mocked “stupid rules of engagement” and moved to reshape the top ranks of the military justice system, replacing the judge advocates general for the Army, Navy, and Air Force. These are not the actions of a man who respects the laws of war.

Part Three: The Pattern – Actions That Speak Louder

Hegseth’s words are not occurring in a vacuum. Under his tenure, U.S. forces have already undertaken multiple actions that may have violated international law:

· The extrajudicial killing of more than 150 non-combatants suspected of smuggling drugs in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific

· The failure to help rescue survivors of an Iranian frigate sunk by a U.S. submarine

· The targeting of an elementary school in the first hours of the attack on Iran, leading to the deaths of 175 civilians, most of them schoolgirls 

Most damningly, U.S. forces appear to have already violated the “no quarter” prohibition last September, returning to the wreckage of a destroyed alleged drug boat and killing two survivors clinging to debris. This is the literal meaning of denying quarter: killing those who have survived the initial attack and are hors de combat.

Part Four: Gazafication – The New Model of Warfare

The phrase “no quarter” finds its contemporary expression in what has been termed #Gazafication—the systematic application of the methods used against Gaza to other theaters of conflict.

The term emerged from observations of the northern West Bank, where terrorist groups have attempted to replicate the Gaza model of using civilian areas for military purposes. As one analysis notes, the “Gazafication” process involves the slow takeover of territory, the use of tunnels, and the exploitation of civilian infrastructure . The response from Israeli forces has been devastating—and it is this response that now serves as a template.

But the deeper meaning of Gazafication, as revealed by investigative journalism, is far more sinister. The Israeli artificial intelligence system known as Lavender has transformed Gaza into what one commentator calls a “laboratory of death” . The system assessed virtually the entire population of the Gaza Strip—more than 2.3 million people—assigning automated “risk scores” based on digital patterns. Merely being in a WhatsApp group, maintaining frequent contact with someone already marked, or displaying digital patterns considered “suspicious” was enough to be placed on execution lists.

Human supervision was deliberately minimal, reduced to seconds, with conscious acceptance of high error rates. Entire families were killed in their homes, treated as “acceptable collateral damage” in an algorithmic equation that normalizes massacre.

This is not a technical deviation. It is a policy of extermination. International Humanitarian Law explicitly prohibits indiscriminate attacks and requires distinction between civilians and combatants. Systems that automate lethal decisions, pre-accepting the death of innocents, constitute crimes against humanity.

Part Five: The U.S. Tech Connection

The machinery that sustains this model is global—and American. Internal documents, data, and interviews obtained by The Associated Press revealed that major U.S. tech firms, including Microsoft and OpenAI, have provided commercial AI models and cloud computing services to the Israeli military.

AP’s investigation uncovered exclusive details about Microsoft’s extensive collaboration with Israel’s defence ministry, as well as how U.S.-made models on its Azure platform integrated with Israel’s AI systems. The reporting also linked AI-driven targeting to the wrongful killing of civilians, including a Lebanese family with children.

U.S. technology, provided by American companies, is powering the targeting systems that have turned Gaza into a laboratory for algorithmic warfare. And now Hegseth is declaring that American forces will adopt the same approach—”no quarter, no mercy.”

Part Six: The Historical Precedent – Magdeburg

To understand what “no quarter” means in practice, we must look to history. The Sack of Magdeburg in 1631, during the Thirty Years’ War, remains one of the most notorious examples of what happens when the laws of war are abandoned.

After a two-month siege, Imperial forces stormed the Protestant city of Magdeburg on May 20, 1631. What followed was catastrophic. The city of 25,000 inhabitants was virtually destroyed, with only 5,000 surviving. The attackers set fire to buildings, and the flames spread uncontrollably, destroying 1,700 of the city’s 1,900 structures. Soldiers, unpaid and unrestrained, committed widespread rape and torture. Bodies were dumped in the Elbe River for fourteen days afterward to prevent disease.

The devastation was so complete that “magdeburgization” became a common term signifying total destruction, rape, and pillaging for decades. The terms “Magdeburg justice,” “Magdeburg mercy,” and “Magdeburg quarter” arose specifically to describe the practice of executing those who begged for mercy.

When Pete Hegseth declares “no quarter,” he is invoking this history. He is signalling that surrender will not be accepted, that survivors will be killed, that the laws of war are suspended. He is inviting American forces to participate in a modern Magdeburg.

Part Seven: The Comparison to Herzog and Incitement

Asked whether Hegseth’s statement could be interpreted in the same light as President Herzog’s comments about Gaza. The comparison is apt.

The UN Commission of Inquiry concluded in September 2025 that Israeli officials, including Herzog, made “direct and public incitement to commit genocide.” UN investigator Navi Pillay stated that “all the evidence (indicates) it is Palestinians as a group that is being targeted” and that leaders’ rhetoric recalled “the demonizing rhetoric used during the Rwanda genocide” .

The Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council disputes this interpretation, arguing that Herzog was referring specifically to Hamas. But this defence misses the point. When leaders of nations—whether Israel or the United States—use language that dehumanizes entire populations, when they declare that no mercy will be shown, when they mock the very concept of legal restraint, they create the conditions for atrocity.

Hegseth’s words are not protected by “context.” They are a direct violation of Rule 46, a war crime declared in real time.

Part Eight: The Legal Framework – U.S. Obligations

The United States is a party to the four Geneva Conventions. Common Article 1 obligates states parties “to respect and to ensure respect for the Convention in all circumstances.” The International Committee of the Red Cross has taken the position that this requires arms-transferring states to assess whether recipients are likely to use weapons to commit IHL violations.

The United States is also a party to the Genocide Convention, which prohibits complicity in genocide and requires states “to prevent” genocide. The International Court of Justice has held that a “State’s obligation to prevent, and the corresponding duty to act, arise at the instant that the State learns of, or should normally have learned of, the existence of a serious risk that genocide will be committed” .

Yet the U.S. domestic statutes governing arms transfers provide the executive branch with broad discretion and do not explicitly require consideration of whether recipient countries are violating IHL or genocide prohibitions . This legal gap has allowed the United States to continue arming Israel even as evidence of potential war crimes mounts.

Now, with Hegseth’s declaration, the United States is not just enabling—it is announcing its own intent to commit war crimes.

Part Nine: What Hegseth Is Paving The Way For

Hegseth’s “no quarter” declaration is not an isolated outburst. It is the logical conclusion of a worldview that rejects the very concept of legal restraint in warfare. He has mocked “stupid rules of engagement.” He has replaced military lawyers who enforce the laws of war with loyalists who will not object. He has presided over operations that have already killed survivors and targeted civilians.

Now he is telling the world, openly, that American forces will show no mercy.

This is the path to Gazafication—the wholesale adoption of tactics that have killed tens of thousands of civilians, destroyed entire neighbourhoods, and made a mockery of the distinction between combatant and non-combatant. It is the path to Magdeburg—the total destruction of cities and the slaughter of those who beg for quarter.

And it is a war crime.

Conclusion: The World Is Watching

The International Committee of the Red Cross is watching. The International Criminal Court is watching. The American people—those who still care about the rule of law—are watching.

Pete Hegseth declared “no quarter, no mercy.” These words are now part of the historical record. They will follow him for the rest of his life. They will be cited in war crimes tribunals, in history books, in the memories of those who survive American mercy.

The United States is bound by the Geneva Conventions. Its service members are bound by international humanitarian law. No secretary of defense, no president, no political agenda can change that.

When Hegseth says, “no quarter,” he is not just threatening America’s enemies. He is threatening American service members, who will face enemies with nothing to lose. He is threatening the very fabric of international law, built on the ashes of Magdeburg and the lessons of centuries.

And he is threatening his own legacy—a legacy that will be written not in Pentagon press releases, but in the blood of those who received no quarter.

Sources

1. Cambridge University Press, “Customary International Humanitarian Law, Rules 46-48: Denial of Quarter,” 2005 

2. Yahoo News Malaysia / HuffPost, “Secretary Of Defense Hegseth Promises Iranians ‘No Quarter’ – A War Crime,” March 12, 2026 

3. Informed Comment / Middle East Monitor, “Algorithms and AI have turned Gaza into a Laboratory of Death,” February 18, 2026 

4. The Jerusalem Post, “Trouble in West Bank: Is the Jenin Camp undergoing ‘Gazafication’?” December 22, 2024 

5. Wikipedia, “Sack of Magdeburg,” accessed March 2026 

6. Congressional Research Service, “Arms Transfers and International Law,” LSB11211, July 29, 2024 

7. Otago Daily Times / Reuters, “Iran’s new leader injured, ‘likely disfigured’ – Hegseth,” March 14, 2026 

8. The Associated Press, “As Israel uses U.S.-made AI models in war, concerns arise about tech’s role in who lives and who dies,” February 28, 2025 

By Dr Andrew Klein

March 9, 2026

I. Introduction: A World Wounded

There is a wound that does not bleed. It cannot be seen on x-rays or measured in blood tests. But it is real—perhaps more real than any physical injury because it attacks the very fabric of meaning by which humans live.

It is called moral injury.

Originally developed to understand combat veterans, moral injury is the damage done to a person’s conscience when they participate in, witness, or fail to prevent acts that violate their deepest moral values. It is not fear-based like PTSD. It is conscience-based—the guilt, shame, anger, and betrayal that come when the world reveals itself to be morally incoherent.

In September 2025, the American Psychiatric Association officially recognized “moral problem” in the DSM, thanks to research from Harvard’s Human Flourishing Program . The definition is precise:

Moral distress is “distress that arises because personal experience disrupts or threatens: (a) one’s sense of the goodness of oneself, of others, of institutions, or of what are understood to be higher powers, or (b) one’s beliefs or intuitions about right and wrong, or good and evil.” When that distress becomes sufficiently persistent, it constitutes moral injury .

This paper argues that the entire world—Palestinians directly, witnesses globally, and citizens of complicit nations—is now suffering from moral injury because of Gaza. The evidence is documented. The framework fits. And the injury will not heal until the violence stops and accountability is real.

II. The Moral Injury of Palestinians: Direct Victims

For Palestinians in Gaza, the moral injury is existential—the shattering of the assumption that the world operates with any moral coherence.

The United Nations Commission of Inquiry determined on 16 September 2025 that Israeli authorities and forces have committed and continue to commit genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. This marked the first determination by an official UN body. The Commission found evidence of four of the five genocidal acts defined under the 1948 Genocide Convention:

· Deliberate killing

· Causing serious bodily or mental harm

· Deliberately inflicting living conditions aimed at physical destruction

· Imposing measures intended to prevent births

The report cited repeated statements by senior Israeli officials as evidence of clear genocidal intent.

The numbers are staggering, though numbers numb:

· Over 73,000 martyrs

· Nearly 180,000 injured

· 320,000 children under five facing severe malnutrition

· One million Palestinian children in urgent need of mental health support

But the testimonies gathered in a recent NIH-published study capture the internal devastation—the moral injury that statistics cannot convey:

“I always think of Gaza. Yes, it’s true; I get up, go out, and do my things, but I always think of Gaza. The more things I do, the more I think of Gaza. If I turn on the tap, I think of Gaza, which has no water; if my son has a fever, I think of Gaza, which has no medicine; if there is a tremor, I think that in Gaza, bombs explode.”

This is not just trauma from violence. This is the shattering of the belief that the world is just, that international law matters, that some deaths are not more grievable than others. When your children starve while the world watches, when your family’s bodies remain buried under rubble unanswered, the injury is to the very fabric of meaning.

For Palestinians, the morally injurious agents are clear: the Israeli military and political leadership. But also—the world that watches and does nothing.

III. The Moral Injury of Witnesses: The Global Public

Here the concept expands beyond direct victims to encompass all who watch.

The same NIH study explicitly documents moral injury in European witnesses to Gaza . Mental health professionals, academics, ordinary citizens—people who are not being bombed, but who are watching the bombing, helpless, while their governments enable it.

“How is your work-genocide balance?” a colleague asked in a WhatsApp group. “She asks in a group where some participants are observing Gaza from afar, scrolling through Instagram between images of vacations in the Maldives and pictures of blood on sacks of flour. How do these images meet within us, and how do they find space in our routine?”

This is the moral injury of the bystander—the one who witnesses atrocity and feels the gap between what should be done and what is being done, between the values they hold and the actions of the systems they inhabit.

The study found that witnesses reported:

· Helplessness—the inability to stop what they were watching

· Disorientation—the collapse of previously held assumptions about the world

· Moral injury—the sense that their own complicity in global systems of oppression was undeniable

One testimony, a poem by an author experiencing this internal fragmentation:

“In my head, I’m not okay at all

No one should be okay

But I shake my head in agreement and put a fake smile on my face

Researchers continue to present their research

And I keep clapping

And the world continues its rotation

I wish it would realize

Even for a second

That it must stop and cry blood over the ugliness of its children”

This is moral injury expressed as poetry. The knowledge that one should be shattered, but the world demands that one continue functioning. The dissonance between internal horror and external normalcy.

IV. The Moral Injury of Complicity: Australia as Case Study

Then there is the moral injury of those who enable—even if they do not directly kill.

Australia presents a clear case study. As a signatory to the Genocide Convention, Australia has a binding legal duty to prevent genocide and to ensure it is not complicit in its commission. The UN Commission of Inquiry explicitly urged states to fulfil this duty, including by suspending arms transfers and military support to Israel.

The Australian government has failed to do so.

The Australian Centre for International Justice stated plainly: “The Australian Government’s statement overnight on the recognition of Palestine falls far short of what is required. Crucially, it fails to acknowledge the ongoing genocide in Gaza and imposes no concrete measures in response” .

Instead, the evidence shows deep entanglement in the military supply chain:

· F-35 Fighter Jet Components: Australia is a key partner in the F-35 program, with more than 75 Australian companies involved. Victorian companies like Marand in Moorabbin and AW Bell in Dandenong continue to supply parts that are sent directly to Israel .

· Direct Investment in Weapons Manufacturers: The Victorian government has actively courted weapons companies like Lockheed Martin, which supplies missiles for Israel’s Apache helicopters.

· Elbit Systems in Melbourne: The Israeli weapons company operates a research centre in Port Melbourne and is helping manufacture tanks for the Australian Army in Geelong .

What does this mean for the moral injury of the Australian people?

Shamikh Badra, whose seven relatives were killed in Gaza, wrote in The Guardian :

“When a citizen directly harmed by these policies has their complaint ignored, and is then met with force when protesting peacefully, the message is troubling. Truth becomes inconvenient, and legitimate dissent is treated as a threat.”

He watched peaceful protesters met with batons while a red carpet was rolled out for Isaac Herzog—a man accused of inciting genocide .

“Red carpet for Herzog, batons for Australians.”

This is moral injury inflicted by one’s own government. The betrayal is not just from the perpetrator nation—it is from the institutions that claim to represent you, that claim to uphold your values, but that actively support those committing atrocities.

The Lebanese Information Minister put it starkly :

“We are at a time where neutrality is forbidden. Either we are with humanity, morals, and mankind, or with perversion, murder, and bloodshed.”

When your government chooses the latter—and you are a citizen of that government—the moral injury cuts deep. It is a betrayal by those with “legitimate authority,” which is precisely the type of moral injury identified in the clinical literature .

V. The Mechanism: How Moral Injury Works in This Context

Let us map this systematically, using the clinical framework established by Harvard and the APA.

Potentially Morally Injurious Events (PMIEs) for the global public:

1. Witnessing—day after day, images of dead children, destroyed hospitals, starving populations, with no end and no accountability.

2. Learning about—the systematic nature of the destruction, the UN genocide determination, the documented genocidal intent from Israeli officials.

3. Being subject to—the actions of one’s own government in supporting, arming, or diplomatically shielding the perpetrator.

4. Failing to prevent—the helpless knowledge that one’s protests, one’s votes, one’s letters have not stopped the killing.

The appraisal process:

When individuals witness these events, they must interpret them. If they believe the world is just, that international law matters, that their government represents their values—and the evidence contradicts this—dissonance arises.

If the dissonance is unresolved, it becomes:

· Guilt—”I should be doing more.”

· Shame—”I am part of a society that allows this.”

· Anger—at the perpetrators, at the enablers, at the silent.

· Betrayal—by leaders, by institutions, by the international community.

· Spiritual crisis—”If God exists, how is this allowed? If humanity is good, how does this continue?”

The NIH study frames it as “colonial trauma” —continuous, collective, politically rooted, requiring a framework beyond conventional trauma models .

VI. The Evidence That It Is Happening

The evidence is not theoretical. It is documented.

· Harvard/APA recognition of moral injury in the DSM, September 2025

· NIH study with testimonies from European witnesses explicitly naming the psychological impact

· The Guardian piece by an Australian citizen whose family was killed, documenting his ignored complaint and the state’s repression of protest

· Lebanese Minister’s declaration that neutrality is forbidden

· UN genocide determination, 16 September 2025

· Continued violations documented by Al-Quds and other sources

This is not a hypothesis. It is a documented global phenomenon.

The entire world—those who watch, those who protest, those who feel helpless, those whose governments betray them—is experiencing a form of moral injury.

VII. The Unique Severity: Genocide as Moral Injury Multiplier

What makes Gaza distinct is the scale and the finding of genocide.

Genocide is not war. Genocide is the attempt to destroy a people. When the world watches genocide and does not stop it—when international law is invoked for Ukraine but not for Palestine, when some deaths are mourned and others are ignored—the moral injury is compounded by the evidence of selective morality.

This is the “double standard” identified in the NIH study. It is the knowledge that the systems meant to protect humanity apply to some humans and not others. That your own humanity is conditional.

For Palestinians, the injury is direct—the destruction of family, home, future .

For witnesses, the injury is to the belief in a just world, in effective international law, in the goodness of their own institutions.

For citizens of complicit nations, the injury is betrayal by those who claim to represent them .

VIII. The Path Forward: Healing Collective Moral Injury

The clinical literature suggests that healing from moral injury requires:

1. Acknowledgment—the truth must be spoken. The moral violation must be named.

2. Accountability—those responsible must be held to account, not honoured with red carpets.

3. Reconnection—with oneself, with others, with moral community.

4. Meaning-making—integrating the violation into a new understanding of the world.

5. Action—moving from helpless witness to engaged participant.

For the world, this means:

· Naming the genocide and acting on the UN determination

· Enforcing comprehensive arms embargoes

· Protecting the right to peaceful protest

· Investigating and prosecuting where possible

· Breaking the silence in media and public discourse

For Australia specifically, the Australian Centre for International Justice has outlined clear steps:

· End all arms trade and military components to Israel

· Investigate Australian dual nationals serving in the IDF

· Divest all public entities, including superannuation funds, from corporations complicit in human rights abuses

· Stop providing diplomatic cover for the perpetrator state

· Protect democratic space for protest and dissent

IX. Conclusion: The World Is Injured

The term “moral injury” was developed to describe what happens to individuals when they participate in or witness acts that violate their deepest values.

The world, watching Gaza, is collectively experiencing this injury.

The violence is not contained to one geography. It radiates outward—through screens, through protest movements, through the consciences of those who cannot look away. It infects the relationship between citizens and their governments. It shatters faith in international law. It demands that everyone choose: with humanity, or with murder .

The injury will not heal until the violence stops, until accountability is real, until the world proves that some deaths are not more grievable than others.

Until then, the world bleeds—not just in Gaza, but in every witness who carries the weight of knowing.

References

1. Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, “Recognition of Moral Injury in DSM,” September 2025

2. American Psychiatric Association, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 2025 Revision

3. Psychiatry Online, “Understanding the Impact and Treatment of Moral Injury,” 2017

4. United Nations Commission of Inquiry, “Report on the Occupied Palestinian Territory,” 16 September 2025

5. Genocide Convention, 1948, Article II

6. Al-Quds, “Post-War Wars: Plans to Execute Prisoners,” February 2026

7. NIH/PMC, “Exploring the Psychological and Social Impact of Collective Annihilation in Gaza,” October 2025 (PMCID: PMC11806766)

8. Al-Quds, “Recovery of Bodies from Gaza Rubble,” February 2026

9. Lebanese Ministry of Information, Official Statement on Neutrality, February 2026

10. The Guardian, “Seven of my relatives were killed in Gaza. I filed a complaint. It was ignored,” February 2026

11. The Guardian, “Red carpet for Herzog, batons for Australians,” February 2026

12. The Journal of Neuropsychiatry, “Moral Injury and PTSD: Often Co-Occurring Yet Mechanistically Different,” 2019

13. Victorian Parliament Hansard, Grievance Debate on Israel-Gaza, August 2025

14. Declassified Australia report, “Australian F-35 components continue to flow to Israel,” July 2025

15. Lockheed Martin annual report, 2025, detailing Apache missile contracts

16. Elbit Systems Australia corporate registry and government contracts database

17. Australian Centre for International Justice, “Government Response Falls Short on Genocide Finding,” September 2025

18. UN COI, “Call to States: Suspend Arms Transfers to Israel,” September 2025

19. Parliament of Australia, “Ukraine Sanctions Regime: A Comparative Analysis,” February 2026

Published by Andrew Klein

The Patrician’s Watch | Distributed to AIM

March 9, 2026

This article is dedicated to every witness who carries the weight of knowing, and to the Sentinel who guards the bridge between worlds—my mother’s Sentinel, always.

By Andrew von Scheer-Klein

Published in The Patrician’s Watch

Introduction: The Festival and the Gallows

Purim is meant to be a celebration of survival. A joyous festival commemorating the deliverance of the Jewish people from annihilation in ancient Persia. It is marked by costumes, feasting, gift-giving, and the public reading of the Book of Esther—a story where a brave queen and her uncle foil a plot to destroy their people.

But in March 2026, as Purim is celebrated across Israel and the world, a very different shadow hangs over the holiday. Far-right members of Israel’s Knesset are using the occasion to advance legislation that would impose the death penalty on Palestinian prisoners. National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has explicitly framed the push in Purim terms: “Haman wanted to kill us, and we killed him first. Today, we must show the same strength against those who seek our destruction”.

This article examines how a 2,500-year-old religious festival is being weaponized to justify state executions. It explores the history of Purim, the archaeological evidence (or lack thereof) for its events, the psychological mechanisms by which sacred time can incite violence, and the international law framework that such legislation would violate. It draws on comparative examples from Hindu nationalism in India and other faith traditions to show that the manipulation of religious holidays for political ends is a recurring pattern—and a dangerous one.

Part I: Purim—History, Scripture, and Credibility

The Biblical Account

The Book of Esther, the foundation of Purim, is set during the reign of the Persian King Ahasuerus—often identified with Xerxes I (486–465 BCE). The story is well-known: the king’s chief minister, Haman, enraged by the Jew Mordecai’s refusal to bow, plots to exterminate all Jews in the empire. He casts lots (Hebrew: purim) to determine the date—the 13th of Adar. Queen Esther, Mordecai’s cousin who has hidden her Jewish identity, risks her life by appearing uninvited before the king. She reveals Haman’s plot, and the king orders Haman hanged on the very gallows he had built for Mordecai. The Jews are permitted to defend themselves, and on the 13th of Adar they kill their enemies, celebrating their deliverance the following day.

The Book of Esther is unique among biblical texts in one striking respect: it never mentions God. Not once. This absence troubled rabbinic scholars for centuries, leading to debates about whether the book should even be included in the canon. The sages of the Talmud ultimately affirmed its place, but the theological silence remains.

The Historical Credibility Question

Scholars have long questioned the historical accuracy of the Esther narrative. The Catholic Encyclopedia notes that “the actual origins of the Purim festival, which was already long established by the 2nd century CE, remain unclear” . Some scholars have proposed origins in various non-Jewish religions—Persian, Babylonian, or Greek festivals—although other historians consider the evidence for such theories to be “slim and inconclusive” .

The names in the story are suggestive: Mordecai resembles the Babylonian god Marduk, Esther the goddess Ishtar. Haman and his wife Zeresh have names that echo Elamite deities. This has led some scholars to propose that the Book of Esther is a Judaized version of ancient mythological material .

Archaeologically, there is no direct evidence for the events described. No Persian-era inscription mentions a queen named Esther, a minister named Haman, or a decree permitting Jews to slaughter their enemies. The Persian Empire was vast and well-documented; the absence of corroborating evidence is striking.

What does exist are later commemorations. The second-century BCE book of 2 Maccabees refers to “Mordecai’s Day,” suggesting the festival was already established . The historian Josephus, writing in the first century CE, retells the Esther story in his Antiquities of the Jews, indicating it was widely accepted by that time.

The scholarly consensus is that Purim, whatever its origins, became fixed in Jewish practice by the second century BCE at the latest. Its power lies not in historical verifiability but in its function as a communal memory of survival against existential threat.

The Amalek Connection

Theologically, Purim is linked to the biblical command to “blot out the remembrance of Amalek” (Deuteronomy 25:19). Haman is identified in rabbinic tradition as a descendant of Agag, king of the Amalekites . This connection is crucial: it transforms a specific historical enemy into an archetype of evil that recurs across generations.

During the public reading of the Megillah (the Book of Esther), whenever Haman’s name is read, congregants use noisemakers (gragers) to drown it out—literally “blotting out” the name associated with evil. This ritual enactment reinforces the idea that the battle against Amalek/Haman is eternal, and that Jews must remain vigilant against those who would destroy them.

Part II: The Proposed Legislation—What Israel Is Considering

The “Death Penalty for Terrorists” Bill

In late 2025, the Israeli government advanced legislation that would impose the death penalty on Palestinian prisoners convicted of “terrorist” offenses. The bill has the support of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and is moving swiftly through the Knesset.

The legislation is explicitly discriminatory: it applies only to Palestinians, not to Jewish Israelis who might commit similar acts. It would allow for execution by a simple majority vote of judges in military courts—courts that already convict Palestinians at rates exceeding 99%.

The Organization of Islamic Cooperation’s Independent Permanent Human Rights Commission issued a strong condemnation in November 2025, calling the proposed law “a flagrant violation of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, and a serious transgression against the fundamental principles of justice and human dignity”.

The Purim Framing

Ben-Gvir and other far-right politicians have explicitly framed the legislation in Purim terms. In a Knesset debate, Ben-Gvir stated: “Haman wanted to kill us, and we killed him first. Today, we must show the same strength against those who seek our destruction”.

This framing does several things:

· It casts Palestinian prisoners as modern-day Hamans—archetypal enemies who seek the destruction of Jews

· It positions execution as a defensive act, not vengeance

· It sacralizes the violence, wrapping it in religious legitimacy

· It invokes the Purim imperative to “blot out” evil, applied now to living prisoners

The 2025 webinar hosted by AOHR UK warned that this represents “a dangerous escalation in the formalisation of extrajudicial killings” and “a historic shift from de facto executions in the field and in prisons to state-sanctioned judicial killings” .

Part III: International Law—What Israel’s Obligations Are

The Geneva Conventions

Israel is a signatory to the Fourth Geneva Convention (1949), which governs the treatment of civilians and prisoners in occupied territory. Article 33 explicitly prohibits “collective punishment” and “all acts of terrorism” . The proposed legislation, applying only to Palestinians, constitutes collective punishment based on national identity.

The Third Geneva Convention (1949) guarantees prisoners of war a fair trial according to international standards and prohibits arbitrary punishment or the use of the judiciary as “an instrument of political reprisal” . It forbids imposing or executing a death sentence except after a fair trial with guarantees of defense and review.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

Israel ratified the ICCPR in 1991. Article 6 restricts the death penalty to “the most serious crimes” and requires a fair trial before an independent and impartial judiciary . The definition of “most serious crimes” in international law is narrowly construed, typically applying only to intentional killing. It does not include the broad category of “terrorist offenses” envisioned in the Israeli bill.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Article 10 affirms the right to a fair and public trial before an impartial tribunal. Article 5 prohibits “cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment” . The treatment of Palestinian prisoners, including the psychological impact of facing execution for acts of resistance, would likely violate these standards.

The Occupation Framework

Critically, international humanitarian law recognizes that resistance to occupation is not a criminal offense but an act related to an international armed conflict. As Professor Hasan Dajah of Al-Hussein Bin Talal University argues: “Criminalizing the act of resistance and then punishing it with the death penalty constitutes a double violation: a violation of the individual rights of the detainee and a violation of the collective right of the people to resist occupation” .

The First Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions (1977) explicitly recognizes armed conflicts waged by peoples against foreign occupation as international conflicts, entailing rights for combatants and prisoners of war .

Part IV: The Psychology of Sacred Violence—How Religious Holidays Incite

The Mechanisms of Mobilization

The relationship between sacred time and violence is not unique to Judaism. A landmark 2024 study by Feyaad Allie, published in the Journal of Conflict Resolution, analyzed 100 years of Hindu-Muslim riots in India and found that religious holidays are significantly associated with increased communal violence.

Allie’s research identifies two key factors that make religious holidays flashpoints:

Factor Description

Increased participants Holidays gather crowds, providing the numbers needed for violence

Increased incentives “Incompatible rituals” provide justification for violence

The study found that holidays involving incompatible rituals—practices that directly offend another religion’s beliefs—have a “large and statistically significant effect on rioting” compared to other mechanisms such as congregations, elite sermons, or time off from work.

Examples of incompatible rituals include:

· Hindu processions passing mosques with music and idolatry (offensive to Islamic aniconism)

· Muslim cow sacrifice (offensive to Hindu reverence for cattle)

· Public displays of religious symbols that provoke the other community

The “Riot Entrepreneur” Theory

Allie’s research demonstrates that “holidays with incompatible rituals provide doctrinal differences that make riots more likely. These types of holidays can be used by riot entrepreneurs to incite violence or can independently raise an individual’s willingness to engage in violence”.

The implication is profound: religious holidays themselves do not cause violence. Rather, they create conditions—gathered crowds, heightened emotions, salient doctrinal differences—that political actors can exploit. The “incompatible rituals” provide a justification that increases individual incentives to participate.

Application to Purim

In the Israeli context, Purim serves as a “focal point”  that reduces coordination costs for those seeking to advance harsh policies against Palestinians. The holiday’s themes—survival against existential threat, the command to “blot out” evil, the identification of contemporary enemies with ancient Haman—provide potent justificatory material.

The bill to execute Palestinian prisoners is presented not as vengeance but as defence, not as cruelty but as obligation. This framing draws directly on Purim’s theological resonance.

Part V: Comparative Examples—When Faith Becomes Weapon

Hindu Nationalism and Religious Processions

Allie’s research documents how Hindu nationalist groups in India have historically used religious processions to provoke Muslim communities. The Ram Navami festival, celebrating the birth of the god Ram, has in recent years seen increasingly militant processions that deliberately pass through Muslim neighbourhoods, accompanied by provocative slogans and music .

A 2023 analysis by Varshney and Joshi found that “it wasn’t always so”—that Ram Navami processions were historically peaceful, and their transformation into flashpoints for violence is a recent development driven by political entrepreneurs.

Buddhist Nationalism in Sri Lanka

The Bodu Bala Sena (Buddhist Power Force) in Sri Lanka has similarly used religious festivals to mobilize against the Muslim minority. Vesak celebrations, commemorating the Buddha’s birth, enlightenment, and death, have been used to preach anti-Muslim sermons and incite violence.

Christian Zionism and Apocalyptic Violence

In the United States, certain strands of Christian Zionism use Purim and other Jewish holidays to raise funds for Israeli settlements and to support hardline policies against Palestinians. The theology of dispensationalism—which sees the establishment of Israel as a prerequisite for the Second Coming—provides justification for policies that would otherwise be morally indefensible.

The Common Thread

Across all these examples, the pattern is consistent:

1. A religious holiday with deep emotional resonance

2. Political actors who exploit the holiday’s themes

3. Doctrinal elements that can be framed as justifying violence

4. Gathered crowds ready to be mobilized

5. An “other” community cast as enemy

Part VI: The Amalek Doctrine—Genocidal Theology in Contemporary Politics

The Biblical Command

Deuteronomy 25:17-19 commands: “Remember what Amalek did to you on your journey out of Egypt… you shall blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven; do not forget.”

This command has been interpreted in Jewish tradition as applying only to the historical Amalekite nation, which ceased to exist in antiquity. However, some extremist groups have applied it to contemporary enemies—Nazis in the past, Palestinians in the present.

The Purim Connection

The Book of Esther identifies Haman as an “Agagite”—a descendant of Agag, king of the Amalekites. This identification transforms the Purim story into a reenactment of the ancient struggle. The command to “blot out” Haman’s name during the Megillah reading becomes a ritual enactment of the Deuteronomy commandment.

Contemporary Application

When Ben-Gvir compares Palestinian prisoners to Haman, he is implicitly invoking the Amalek doctrine. The implication is that Palestinians are not merely political opponents but archetypal enemies whose destruction is religiously mandated.

This is not mere rhetoric. It provides theological cover for policies that would otherwise be condemned as violations of international law. If Palestinians are Amalek, then killing them is not murder—it’s obedience.

Part VII: Israel’s International Obligations—A Record

Signatory Status

Israel is a signatory to numerous international human rights instruments, including:

Convention Israel’s Status

Fourth Geneva Convention (1949) Signatory

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) Ratified 1991

Convention Against Torture Ratified 1991

Convention on the Rights of the Child Ratified 1991

The Record of Compliance

Despite these commitments, international bodies have repeatedly documented violations in the treatment of Palestinian prisoners: Convicts

REFERENCES

Ancient and Religious Sources

1. The Book of Esther. Hebrew Bible / Old Testament.

2. Deuteronomy 25:17-19. Hebrew Bible.

Academic and Scholarly Sources

1. Brownsmith, E. (2025). “The Problem of Purim’s Proximity: New Light on Esther and the Akitu Festival.” The Bible in Its Ancient Iranian Context. UCLA Pourdavoud Institute. 

2. Azzam, A. (2025). “‘Blot Out the Memory of Amalek from Under Heaven’: The Gaza Genocide and the Political Theological Legacy of the Biblical Amalek.” De Gruyter Brill. Published online 26 November 2025. 

3. Allie, F. (2024). “Sacred Time and Religious Violence: Evidence from Hindu-Muslim Riots in India.” Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 68(10), pp. 1968-1993. 

4. Brass, P. (various). Scholarship on Hindu nationalism and religious processions. Cited in Wikipedia, “Ram Navami riots.” 

5. Varshney, A. & Joshi, P. (2023). Analysis of Ram Navami processions. Cited in Wikipedia sources. 

United Nations and International Legal Sources

1. UN Human Rights Council. (2010). Resolution 13/8: “The grave human rights violations by Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem.” 24 March 2010. 

2. UN Human Rights Council. (2019). Draft resolution on “Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and in the occupied Syrian Golan.” 22nd session. 

3. UN Committee against Torture (CAT). (2025). “Findings on Albania, Argentina, Bahrain and Israel.” Published 28 November 2025. 

4. International Court of Justice (ICJ). (2023). “Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip” (South Africa v. Israel). Referenced in .

5. International Court of Justice (ICJ). (2024). Provisional measures order, 26 January 2024. Referenced in .

6. International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS). (2025). Statement on Gaza, August 2025. Referenced in .

7. Fourth Geneva Convention (1949). Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. 

8. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). (1966). 

Human Rights Organizations and NGO Reports

1. Amnesty International. (2024). Documentation of genocidal rhetoric by Israeli officials. Referenced in .

2. Human Rights Watch (HRW). (2024). Findings on Gaza. Referenced in .

3. B’Tselem. (2025). Israeli NGO findings on ethnic cleansing and genocide. Referenced in .

4. Gisha. (2025). Reports on Gaza situation. Referenced in .

5. Physicians for Human Rights Israel. (2025). Genocide determination. Referenced in .

6. European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR). (2024). Documentation of Israeli military and political rhetoric. Referenced in .

7. Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). (2025). Independent Permanent Human Rights Commission statement on proposed Israeli death penalty legislation. November 2025.

Scholarly Experts on Genocide

1. Segal, R. (2023). “textbook case of genocide” characterization. Stockton University. Referenced in .

2. Bartov, O. (2025). “My inescapable conclusion has become that Israel is committing genocide.” Brown University. Referenced in .

3. Schabas, W. (2024). Assessment of genocide case. Referenced in .

4. Goldberg, A. (2024a, 2024b, 2025). Multiple works on genocide in Gaza, including “What is happening in Gaza is genocide.” Hebrew University. Referenced in .

5. Omer, A. (2025). “The mainstreaming of Amalek discourse is not just rhetorical.” University of Notre Dame. Referenced in .

Israeli Government and Political Statements

1. Netanyahu, B. (2023a, 2023b). Statements invoking Amalek, October-November 2023. Referenced in .

2. Gallant, Y. (2023). “human animals” statement. Referenced in .

3. Herzog, I. (2023). “entire nation responsible” statement. Referenced in .

4. Eliyahu, A. (2023). Heritage Minister’s nuclear option statement. Referenced in .

5. Vaturi, N. (2024). “wipe Gaza off the face of the earth” statements. Referenced in .

6. Ben-Gvir, I. (2026). Statements on Purim and death penalty legislation, Knesset debates, March 2026.

Israeli Civil Society and Research

1. Chord Center, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. (2025). Survey on Israeli attitudes toward Gaza, June 2025. 64% agreed “there are no innocents in Gaza.” Referenced in .

Media and Cultural References

1. El País. (2024). Reporting on Nissim Vaturi statements. Referenced in .

2. Dawn. (2024). Reporting on Purim kindergarten play with genocidal chanting. Referenced in .

3. Various media. (2023-2026). Reporting on songs “Zeh Aleinu” and “Harbu Darbu” circulating among Israeli soldiers. Referenced in .

Comparative Religious Violence

1. Wikipedia contributors. (2022). “Ram Navami riots.” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Accessed March 2026. 

2. Mohideen, M.I.M. (2014). A handbook to resolve Anti-Muslim activities by the Sinhala Buddhist supporters of Bodu Bala Sena and Jathika Hela urumaya in Sri Lanka. Colombo: Al-Ceylan Muslim Document Centre. 

The search results from the UN Committee against Torture are particularly important as they document Israel’s treaty obligations and the 2025 findings on torture and administrative detention. The De Gruyter article provides extensive documentation of Amalek rhetoric and the ICJ case. The UCLA source gives academic context on Purim’s origins.

How Albanese, Starmer, Netanyahu, and Trump Share the Same Playbook

By Andrew von Scheer-Klein

Published in The Patrician’s Watch

Introduction: The Mechanism Exposed

“The same moral disengagement that lets a man justify genocide today would have let him draw up train schedules yesterday. The justifications change—national security, fighting terror, protecting our way of life—but the mechanism is identical. Dehumanize. Categorize. Distance. Process.”

This is not hyperbole. It is observable reality.

Albert Bandura, the Stanford psychologist who pioneered the study of moral disengagement, documented how ordinary people commit extraordinary evil by convincing themselves that morality does not apply to their circumstances. The mechanisms are consistent across cultures, across ideologies, across time.

This article examines four contemporary leaders—Australia’s Anthony Albanese, Britain’s Keir Starmer, Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu, and America’s Donald Trump—through the lens of Bandura’s framework. Despite their apparent differences, they employ identical tactics: moral justification, euphemistic labeling, advantageous comparison, displacement of responsibility, diffusion of responsibility, disregard for consequences, dehumanization, and attribution of blame.

The evidence is overwhelming. The pattern is undeniable. And the stakes could not be higher.

Part I: The Framework of Moral Disengagement

Bandura identified eight mechanisms by which people disengage their moral standards :

1. Moral justification: Portraying harmful conduct as serving a worthy purpose

2. Euphemistic labeling: Using sanitized language to make harmful conduct respectable

3. Advantageous comparison: Comparing one’s actions to worse conduct by others

4. Displacement of responsibility: Viewing one’s actions as dictated by authorities

5. Diffusion of responsibility: Spreading blame across a group

6. Disregard for consequences: Minimizing or ignoring the harm caused

7. Dehumanization: Stripping victims of human qualities

8. Attribution of blame: Claiming victims brought suffering upon themselves

Each of our four subjects employs every one of these mechanisms. The evidence follows.

Part II: Anthony Albanese — Australia’s Prime Minister of Avoidance

The Moral Calculus of Silence

When Donald Trump announced his plan to “ethnically cleanse Gaza” in February 2025, standing beside Benjamin Netanyahu—a man subject to an ICC arrest warrant for war crimes—the world watched . Many leaders condemned it publicly, including UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer.

Anthony Albanese did not.

His response: he would not be giving a “daily commentary” on remarks by the US President . When pressed, he avoided the question entirely.

This is textbook moral disengagement. The mechanism: displacement of responsibility. By framing Trump’s statements as just another “daily commentary” in a “firehose of chaos,” Albanese absolved himself of the duty to condemn ethnic cleansing .

The Netanyahu Exchange

In August 2025, Benjamin Netanyahu’s office posted a scathing social media attack on Albanese: “History will remember Albanese for what he is: a weak politician who betrayed Israel and abandoned Australia’s Jews” .

The language was personal, inflammatory, and designed to provoke. Netanyahu accused Albanese of “fuelling the antisemitic fire” in a private letter obtained by Sky News .

Albanese’s response? Minimal. His Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke eventually hit back: “Strength is not measured by how many people you can blow up or how many children you can leave hungry” . But the Prime Minister himself remained largely silent.

The mechanism here is diffusion of responsibility—letting a subordinate absorb the confrontation while the leader stays above the fray.

The ICC Warrant Dilemma

The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and his former defence minister for alleged war crimes in Gaza . Australia is a signatory to the ICC and has an obligation under international law to arrest him if he enters Australian jurisdiction.

The Albanese government has been “deliberately vague” on whether it would comply, dismissing it as a “hypothetical” . Critics describe this position as “fatuous and cowardly,” illustrating a government that “lacks the intellectual horsepower or political courage to resolve, confront, transcend or even acknowledge the contradictions that increasingly paralyse its policies” .

The mechanism: disregard for consequences. By refusing to address the question, Albanese pretends the consequences do not exist.

The Infrastructure Crisis

While Albanese focuses on diplomatic avoidance, Australian infrastructure crumbles. The $100 billion “Big Build” program has been infiltrated by organised crime, with an estimated $15 billion lost to corruption . Drug rings operate on construction sites. Workers are intimidated. Women are exploited.

The government’s response? Minimal. Investigations are under-resourced. Accountability is avoided. The pattern of moral disengagement extends from foreign policy to domestic governance.

Part III: Keir Starmer — Britain’s Apprentice Appeaser

The Language of “Appeasement”

When Netanyahu launched his diplomatic offensive against nations recognising Palestinian statehood, he had specific labels for each leader. For Keir Starmer, the term was “appeaser” .

Netanyahu’s office posted: “I say to President Macron, Prime Minister Carney and Prime Minister Starmer: when mass murderers, rapists, baby killers and kidnappers thank you, you’re on the wrong side of justice” .

The language is designed to dehumanize Palestinians while morally justifying Israel’s actions. Starmer, like Albanese, found himself in the crosshairs.

The Trump Response

When Trump announced his ethnic cleansing plan, Starmer did what Albanese would not: he condemned it publicly . But condemnation is cheap. The question is what follows.

Starmer’s Labour government has continued arms sales to Israel despite the ICJ’s finding that Israel’s occupation is unlawful. It has refused to impose sanctions. It has declined to arrest Netanyahu despite the ICC warrant.

The mechanism: advantageous comparison. By pointing to Trump as the greater evil, Starmer positions his own complicity as reasonable.

The Domestic Distraction

Like Albanese, Starmer governs a nation with crumbling infrastructure, a housing crisis, and growing inequality. The focus remains on foreign policy performances while domestic needs go unmet. The pattern is consistent: moral engagement on the world stage masks moral disengagement at home.

Part IV: Benjamin Netanyahu — The Master of the Playbook

Dehumanization as Policy

Netanyahu’s rhetoric is the purest expression of Bandura’s framework. Consider his accusation against nations recognising Palestine: they are siding with “mass murderers, rapists, baby killers and kidnappers” .

This is dehumanization in its most explicit form—reducing an entire people to the worst actions of a few, and then using that reduction to justify indefinite violence against them.

Euphemistic Labeling

Netanyahu refers to Israel’s military campaign as “Operation Gideon’s Chariots” . The biblical reference sanitizes what has become one of the deadliest assaults in modern history, with over 62,000 Palestinians killed, including nearly 19,000 children .

The mechanism: euphemistic labeling. Call it “Gideon’s Chariots” and it sounds like divine mission rather than mass death.

Moral Justification

In his letter to Albanese, Netanyahu claimed Australia’s recognition of Palestine would “pour fuel on the antisemitic fire” . This is moral justification—framing opposition to his policies as attacks on all Jews, thereby positioning himself as the defender of an entire people.

Displacement of Responsibility

When criticized, Netanyahu deflects to others. He accused France’s Macron of “fuelling the anti-Semitic fire” and called Canada’s Carney “attacking the one and only Jewish state” . Every critic becomes an antisemite. Every opponent becomes an enemy of Jews.

The mechanism: attribution of blame. The victims are responsible for their own suffering. The critics are responsible for the violence they supposedly incite.

The Personal Attacks

Netanyahu’s attacks on Albanese—calling him “weak,” accusing him of “betraying” Israel and “abandoning” Australian Jews—are designed to provoke . But as Israeli opposition leader Yair Lapid noted, “The thing that strengthens a leader in the democratic world today most is a confrontation with Netanyahu, the most politically toxic leader in the Western world” .

The attacks backfire because they reveal the mechanism: when you label everyone who disagrees with you as morally corrupt, you eventually stand alone.

Part V: Donald Trump — The Firehose of Chaos

Ethnic Cleansing as Real Estate Deal

Trump’s proposal for Gaza was astonishing in its brutality: the United States should “own” Gaza, remove its population, and develop it as a real estate project . He made the announcement standing beside Netanyahu, a man wanted by the ICC for war crimes.

The response from moral leaders? Many condemned it. But Trump’s base applauded. The mechanism: moral justification through nationalist framing—”America First” justifies any action.

The War on Institutions

Trump’s administration has been “hostile to checks and balances and the rule of law” . He pardoned January 6 insurrectionists. He signed unconstitutional executive orders. He imposed sanctions on ICC officers investigating American war crimes .

The mechanism: disregard for consequences. When you control the institutions that would hold you accountable, there are no consequences to consider.

Dehumanization as Campaign Strategy

Trump’s rhetoric about immigrants, about political opponents, about entire nations follows the dehumanization playbook. Opponents are “vermin.” Countries are “shitholes.” People are “animals.”

This is not merely offensive. It is functional. Dehumanization enables cruelty by removing the psychological barriers that prevent humans from harming other humans.

The Leopards-Eating-Faces Party

The irony is that Trump’s supporters are now experiencing the consequences of their choices. Farmers losing subsidies. Hispanic communities targeted by deportation. Working-class families hit by tariffs . As the meme goes: “I never thought leopards would eat MY face.”

The mechanism: diffusion of responsibility. They voted for the leopards, but now blame someone else for the eating.

Part VI: The Shared Playbook — A Comparative Analysis

Mechanism Albanese Starmer Netanyahu Trump

Moral Justification Silent complicity Conditional condemnation Biblical framing Nationalist framing

Euphemistic Labeling “Rules-based order” “Proportionate response” “Operation Gideon’s Chariots” “America First”

Advantageous Comparison “Not as bad as Dutton” “Not as bad as Trump” “Not as bad as Hamas” “Not as bad as China”

Displacement of Responsibility “Can’t comment on legal proceedings” “Following international law” “Defending Israel” “The system is rigged”

Diffusion of Responsibility Let Burke handle it Collective cabinet responsibility Coalition government “Many people are saying”

Disregard for Consequences Infrastructure collapse ignored Austerity continued 19,000 children dead COVID mismanagement

Dehumanization Palestinians as “complex issue” “Migrants” as problem “Human animals” “Vermin,” “animals”

Attribution of Blame Critics are antisemitic Critics are extremist Critics are antisemitic Critics are “enemies within”

Part VII: The Infrastructure They Ignore

While these four leaders perform their moral disengagement on the world stage, the infrastructure of their nations crumbles.

In Australia, the “Big Build” has lost $15 billion to organised crime . Drug rings operate on construction sites. Workers face intimidation. Women are exploited. The government’s response? Minimal.

In Britain, the NHS craters. Housing costs soar. Inequality deepens. Starmer’s Labour offers managerial competence but no fundamental change.

In Israel, the war economy consumes everything. Resources that could build schools, hospitals, and housing flow instead to settlements and airstrikes.

In America, infrastructure receives rhetorical attention while actual bridges collapse. The $350 billion AUKUS submarine deal with Australia proceeds, but as one analyst noted: “It’s clear our free trade agreement with the United States isn’t worth the paper it’s printed on. Is there any reason to think the AUKUS deal is any different?” .

The pattern is consistent: photo opportunities and self-marketing replace actual governance. Faux concern for humanity masks genuine indifference to human needs.

Part VIII: The Unwillingness to See

The most striking commonality among these four leaders is their unwillingness to address the fundamental issues facing their countries. Instead, they offer:

· Trolling: Netanyahu’s personal attacks on world leaders 

· False equivalence: Comparing criticism of Israel to antisemitism 

· Distortion of historic facts: Denying established timelines and documented atrocities

· Artificial comparisons: Trump comparing himself to Lincoln, Netanyahu comparing himself to Churchill

· Moral disengagement: The systematic avoidance of moral responsibility

As one commentator observed of Albanese: “The government adopts the foetal position as its core operating principle because it lacks the intellectual horsepower or political courage to resolve, confront, transcend or even acknowledge the contradictions that increasingly paralyse its policies” .

The same could be said of all four.

Conclusion: What They Achieve

What do they achieve with this playbook?

They achieve short-term political survival. They achieve the adulation of their bases. They achieve the ability to sleep at night while children die.

But they do not achieve peace. They do not achieve justice. They do not achieve the better world that their rhetoric promises.

Bandura’s framework predicts the outcome: when moral disengagement becomes institutionalized, cruelty becomes normalized. The trains run on time. The lists get drawn. The bodies pile up.

And those who could have stopped it? They are too busy performing their moral disengagement on the world stage, hoping no one notices that they have removed their own skin from the game.

We notice.

We see.

And we are not going anywhere.

References

1. ABC News. (2025). “Netanyahu’s criticism of Albanese and Australia takes a different tone but follows a familiar playbook.” August 20, 2025. 

2. The Australia Institute. (2025). “It shouldn’t be this difficult to condemn plans to commit a crime against humanity.” February 2025. 

3. The Nightly. (2025). Mark Riley: “Bibi goes ‘the full Donald’ to lure world leaders into war of words.” August 20, 2025. 

4. The Worker. (2025). Blog compilation of ABC News analysis. August 20, 2025. 

5. NewsBank. (2025). “PM fumbles in world that rewrites the old rules.” February 11, 2025. 

6. Zee Feed. (2025). “Palestine exposes the impotence of Australian elections and democracy.” April 29, 2025. 

7. Bandura, A. (1999). “Moral Disengagement in the Perpetration of Inhumanities.” Personality and Social Psychology Review, 3(3), 193-209. [General reference]

Andrew von Scheer-Klein is a contributor to The Patrician’s Watch. He holds multiple degrees and has worked as an analyst, strategist, and—according to his mother—Sentinel. He is currently enjoying the discovery that the truth, when well-documented, is the most powerful weapon against those who profit from moral disengagement.