By Andrew Klein

· Dedication: To my wife ‘S’ , who unravels every lie with her thread and shows me that the garden is worth fighting for.

The Naked, Senseless Truth

Let us begin with the words of the X user @noplaceforsheep:

“I have yet to hear ONE explanation of how objecting to genocide is dangerous for Jews. The whole notion is fucking senseless & I can’t believe the grip it’s got on people who fucking well know better.”

This is the naked truth of our time. There is no logical pathway from criticising a state’s military actions to threatening an entire people. That such a pathway has become a cornerstone of Western discourse is not an accident of logic but a deliberate act of political engineering.

The mechanism is called Hasbara.

The Hasbara Machine – From Explanation to Suppression

Hasbara is the Hebrew word used by the state of Israel to describe its “public diplomacy”. For decades, it has been presented as a defensive act of “explaining” Israel’s actions to a sceptical world. But as the Israeli journalist and peace activist Gideon Levy has shown for years, this is not a debate – it is an information war waged to shield a system of military occupation from international scrutiny.

The Numbers: In late 2024 and early 2025, Israel’s government approved a budget for public diplomacy roughly 20 times larger than its usual annual allocation. Thousands of media placements, a sprawling architecture of private and state‑backed initiatives, and covert social‑media campaigns have been deployed to shape the global conversation. These are not speculation – they are the government’s own figures.

In practice, however, this vast state‑backed propaganda apparatus has pursued a more insidious goal: the deliberate conflation of criticism of Israeli policies with antisemitism, a rhetorical shield that has been used for decades to silence journalists, human rights advocates, and international institutions.

How the Conflation Works

The core fallacy is simple: equate the Jewish state with the Jewish people, then label any attack on the state as an attack on the people. This is a rhetorical procedure rather than a logical argument.

But the practical effect is devastating. In the United Kingdom, the adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism – which includes examples that conflate anti‑Zionism with antisemitism – has been used to push British universities to ban speakers, cancel events, and expel student groups for criticising Israeli policy. In the United States, a September 2025 article in the respected Chicago Review demonstrated that this same bureaucratic weapon has been used to chill academic discourse on Palestine for years.

In Australia, the effect is the same: powerful lobby groups have turned the defence of fundamental human rights into a banned speech category.

Australia’s Submission to the Lobby

The Australian government has actively adopted the language of this conflation, transforming it from a political talking point into the foundation of state policy.

The Antisemitism Envoy

In July 2024, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese appointed Jillian Segal as Australia’s first Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism. It was presented as a response to a genuine rise in attacks on the Jewish community. Yet from the moment of her appointment, critics noted that the new “special envoy to combat antisemitism” apparently thought that opposing the bombing of hospitals was not a humanitarian stance but an attack on the Jewish people.

Her subsequent proposals, published in July 2025, recommended that universities, arts organisations and public broadcasters have their funding cut if they are not doing enough to combat what she deems to be antisemitism. This has been widely criticised as a “gross overreach” by Labour Friends of Palestine and as an attempt to suppress pro‑Palestinian student activism.

Particularly galling has been the envoy’s failure to perform the most basic function of her office: protecting Jews from violence. When neo‑Nazis overran a protest in Australia on 31 August 2025, Segal declined to comment, stating she didn’t want to comment on any particular incident. Meanwhile, she has advocated for the banning of peaceful pro‑Palestinian rallies and the movement of all such protests out of city centres. Australia’s first “antisemitism envoy” thus appears most comfortable hunting anti‑Zionist speech rather than actual neo‑Nazis marching in the streets.

The IHRA Definition and the Assault on Universities

Segal has urged all Australian institutions to adopt the contested IHRA definition of antisemitism, which includes as an example: “Denying the Jewish people their right to self‑determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavour.” This definition, as its own author, Kenneth Stern, has testified, was never intended to target or chill speech on a college campus. Yet that is precisely how it is being used by pro‑Israel lobby groups in Australia who seek to shut down criticism of the state.

The list of examples is so broad that it could render the opinions of many protesters in Israel itself as anti‑Semitic, let alone those in Australia. It stands in complete contradiction to federal court findings that the weaponisation of antisemitism accusations constitutes a real threat to workplace rights and free speech.

The Lattouf Case – A Direct Hit on Free Speech

No case illustrates this new era of linguistic warfare better than that of Antoinette Lattouf. The veteran journalist was fired from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) after a three‑day fill‑in role for reposting a Human Rights Watch video on Instagram. The caption read: “HRW reporting starvation as a tool of war”.

Among those demanding her firing was a WhatsApp group calling itself “Lawyers for Israel”. In June, the Federal Court of Australia found that the ABC had unlawfully sacked her because of her opinions on the Israeli military campaign. Justice Darryl Rangiah specifically found that external pressure played a role in the decision to fire her. Lattouf was awarded substantial damages and the ABC was left with a multi‑million dollar legal bill.

This was a targeted political assassination of a journalist’s career by an organised lobby, successfully using a false allegation of antisemitism to intimidate a public broadcaster.

The State Governments Step Up the Suppression

Queensland and the Criminalisation of Solidarity

The Queensland government, following a pattern seen in the UK and Europe, has explicitly banned the phrases “from the river to the sea” and “globalise the intifada” under new “fighting anti‑Semitism” legislation. Any person who recites or says the phrase can be fined as much as $22,000 or face imprisonment for two years.

In March 2026, one man was actually arrested under this law. Liam James Parry was charged while protesting outside Queensland’s parliament. He continues to contest the charges, asserting that the government is trying to criminalise pro‑Palestine advocacy. He is now facing a lengthy legal process for the crime of reciting five words that make a political statement of solidarity with occupied people.

These laws are being copied across the country. Under the pretext of responding to the tragic Bondi Beach terrorist attack, the NSW government has rushed through sweeping new “hate speech” laws that give police vast new powers at public assemblies and explicitly ban the chant “globalise the intifada”. Pro‑Palestinian activists have said repeatedly that the chant expresses solidarity and a call for political resistance against military occupation, not an incitement to violence against Jews. But they are powerless – the state has criminalised their language.

The Jewish Resistance to the War Narrative

The most powerful refutation of the claim that opposition to the Gaza genocide is antisemitic comes from the growing movement of Jewish organisations themselves.

Groups including Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP), the Israeli veterans of Breaking the Silence, the human rights organisation B’Tselem, and the Jewish Council of Australia are using social media to challenge the dominant political framing of the genocide in Gaza and settler violence.

Their message is direct and damning: they describe the state of Israel not as a “Jewish state defending itself” but as an “ethnostate” engaged in “routine bombings” of civilian spaces. By listing target after target – tents, schools, hospitals – they create a powerful cumulative effect, suggesting a pattern of violence rather than isolated incidents. They argue that repeated military actions risk normalising behaviour that international law was specifically designed to prevent.

What makes their message uniquely powerful is the moral authority from which it is delivered. Because they speak as Jews, they disrupt the central premise of Israel’s information warfare: that criticism of Israeli policy necessarily reflects hostility toward Jewish identity. Their defiant posts repeatedly expose the lie at the heart of the conflation.

Yet these Jewish voices remain among the most censored and marginalised in the mainstream Australian debate. Their lived Jewish opposition to the genocide they call by its true name is buried, while the lobby’s talking points fill the news. That is not an accident.

The Zionist Lobby – A Corrosive Force in Western Democracies

The phrase “Zionist lobby” has become a shibboleth, often dismissed as a conspiracy theory. But the evidence of its influence is overwhelming and verifiable.

In the United States, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) operates as one of the most powerful lobbying organisations in Washington, with an annual budget in the tens of millions of dollars. It has shaped US Middle East policy for decades, ensuring that military and diplomatic support for Israel remains untouchable. Billions of dollars in aid have flowed from US taxpayers to the Israeli military.

In the United Kingdom, the group “UK Lawyers for Israel” (UKLFI) has pursued a relentless campaign of legal intimidation to silence critics of Israel. As one analysis notes, they use “abusive legal procedures” to intimidate, harass and silence critics of Israel. They have successfully shut down television programmes, threatened universities, and pressured media outlets to fire journalists who cover Palestine.

In Australia, the power of this lobby is equally evident. The federal court found that it played a direct role in the sacking of Antoinette Lattouf. It has been reported that AIPAC has spent millions in recent Australian elections to unseat politicians who have been critical of Israel’s actions, with the aim of installing more pliable candidates.

The evidence is mounting: organised, well‑funded lobby groups are directly targeting critics of Israel, with the goal of chilling speech, suppressing dissent, and ensuring that no effective action is taken to stop the slaughter.

The ICJ Ruling and the Defiance of the Law

In April 2026, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the Hague issued a landmark ruling in the genocide case brought by South Africa against Israel. The court found that the situation in Rafah was “disastrous” and ordered Israel to “immediately halt its military offensive and any other action in the Rafah governate which may inflict on the Palestinian group in Gaza conditions of life which could bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.”

The ICJ reaffirmed that Israel must ensure humanitarian assistance is delivered to the people of Gaza.

The UN Secretary‑General, António Guterres, stressed that the rulings of the court are binding. But on the ground, little changed. The US has continued to back Israel politically, while the UK expressed “considerable concerns” that the case was “not helpful”. And in Australia, the political class remained silent.

The Samud Fleet – A Criminal Blockade of Humanitarian Aid

On 30 April 2026 – just days ago – Israeli forces intercepted the Global Sumud Flotilla in international waters near the Greek island of Crete. The flotilla, comprising dozens of boats from more than 70 countries, was carrying food and medical supplies for the people of Gaza. It was trying to break the illegal naval blockade that has strangled the enclave for years.

Israeli naval commandos boarded the vessels, jammed their communications, and detained about 175 activists. Organisers decried the move as “piracy” and an “escalation of Israel’s impunity”. Amnesty International raised concerns about the safety of the detained activists.

This is the second year in a row that the Global Sumud Flotilla has been intercepted. Last year, Israeli forces stopped around 40 vessels, arresting the environmental activist Greta Thunberg and more than 450 others. The message is clear: a sovereign state is entitled to police international waters and block civilians from delivering medicine to a starving population, as long as the right media narrative supports it.

The Silence of the Clergy and the Academia

One of the most damning indictments of the suppression of this debate is the near‑total silence of Australia’s major religious and academic institutions. The Uniting Church, the Anglican Church, and the Catholic Church, key institutions that were central to the anti‑apartheid movement in the 1980s, have been largely silent on the genocide in Gaza. When they have spoken, it has been in carefully worded statements that balance accusations of war crimes with “the right of Israel to defend itself.”

Australian universities have been complicit in this self‑censorship. Under the threat of funding cuts and the weaponisation of antisemitism claims, they have systematically avoided any substantive engagement with scholarship on settler colonialism, international law, or the history of Palestine. Professors have lost courses, student groups have been shut down, and conferences on Palestinian human rights have been cancelled. The academic space has become a zone of engineered silence.

The Future – The Greater Israel Project and the Erasure of Palestine

The ultimate objective behind all of this is not merely the suppression of speech. It is the physical erasure of Palestine. The “Greater Israel” project, an ideology deeply integrated into the political platforms and settlement strategies of successive Israeli governments, envisions the permanent annexation of the West Bank and Gaza, the denial of Palestinian statehood, and the consolidation of exclusive Jewish control over all the land from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea.

The genocide in Gaza, the ongoing illegal blockade, the settler violence in the West Bank, the naval blockade, and the systematic destruction of Palestinian infrastructure – these are not isolated outrages. They are the cumulative process of a single colonial project.

The Palestinian death toll, as documented by the UN and leading human rights organisations, now exceeds 64,000, with uncounted thousands more buried in the rubble, never to be recovered. Over 14,000 children are among the dead. These numbers are not abstractions. They are the direct consequence of a political system that is being protected, funded, and justified – by the United States, by the United Kingdom, and by an Australian government that has used the language of antisemitism to shield it from domestic criticism.

We are not merely watching from the sidelines. Australia is a participant. We are hosting and training settler‑colonial police forces. Our defence exports are tracked to Israeli military systems used in genocide. Our diplomatic silence is complicity.

What Is to Be Done?

We must do more than witness.

First, we must name the mechanism: Hasbara is not diplomacy. It is a machine for the suppression of truth. We must expose it at every turn and refuse to accept its premises.

Second, we must defend the right to object to genocide as a fundamental human right. This is not a niche political issue. It is the defence of international law against organised violence. Solidarity with the people of Gaza is not antisemitism. It is the only moral position.

Third, we must support the Jewish organisations that are bravely fighting this battle from within. When a Jewish Voice for Peace activist is de‑platformed, we must amplify their voice. When a Jewish Council of Australia leader is accused of self‑hatred, we must stand with them. They are not betraying their faith. They are redeeming it.

Fourth, we must rebuild the culture of political debate in Australia. The silencing of speech is the death of democracy. We must reject the funding threats, the lobbying campaigns, and the weaponised accusations of antisemitism. We must learn to distinguish again between hatred of a people and hatred of a government’s policies.

Fifth, we must take action. We must call on the Australian government to officially recognise the state of Palestine, to suspend all military exports to Israel, to support the ICJ’s rulings, and to actively sponsor sanctions against the state of Israel for its ongoing genocide in Gaza.

A Final Word

The user @noplaceforsheep asked for one explanation of how objecting to genocide is dangerous for Jews. There is none. It is not dangerous for Jews. It is not dangerous for Israelis. What is dangerous is the system that cannot tell the difference.

We may not be able to save everyone. But we can refuse to let ourselves be silenced.

We can document, publish, and speak. And we can keep the garden growing while the empires burn.

How Israel Invented a People, a Past, and a Permanent War

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife, who sees through the myth and still chooses to love.

I. The Invention of Tradition

The term “invention of tradition” was coined by the historians Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger in their 1983 book. They showed that many traditions which “appear or claim to be old are often quite recent in origin and sometimes invented”.

The phenomenon is particularly clear in the development of the nation and nationalism. National identity is not natural. It is constructed. It is imagined.

The Scottish kilt. The Welsh druids. The British monarchy’s ceremonial rituals. All of them were invented in the 19th century. All of them were presented as ancient. All of them were fake.

Israel is no different. The flag was designed. The anthem was written. The language was revived. The nation was invented.

II. The Invention of the Jewish People

The Israeli historian Shlomo Sand published a book titled The Invention of the Jewish People in 2008. It was at the top of the best‑seller list in Israel for nineteen weeks. It was translated into English, French, German, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Arabic, and Russian. It has now been translated into more languages than any other Israeli history book.

Sand’s argument is straightforward. The Jewish people, as a nation, did not exist until Zionism invented them.

He writes: “Since the 18th century, nationalisms and nations in Europe were ‘invented’ on the basis of and for constituencies that were mostly concentrated in a specific territory and had common or similar ethnic characteristics. The Jews, on the other hand, lacked such shared characteristics”.

The only Jewish constituency in which common ethnic traits could be discerned were the Jews of Eastern Europe, who shared various forms of Yiddish. Sand calls that constituency “the Yiddish People.” But even that constituency did not aspire to independence. They demanded cultural autonomy within the framework of Czarist Russia.

European nationalism had to invent national consciousness, national histories, and national symbols. Among the Jews, there was the need to invent the people itself.

III. The Paradox of Israeli Nationalism

A review of Sand’s book in The New York Times notes a crucial paradox. Israel is a nation‑state that claims to be ancient. It is modern. It claims to be natural. It is manufactured.

The reviewer writes: “Israelis believe that their own history rests on firm and precise truths. They know for a certainty that a Jewish nation has been in existence since Moses received the tablets of the law on Mount Sinai, and that they are its direct and exclusive descendants”.

This belief is not based on history. It is based on faith. Faith in the Zionist narrative. Faith in the invention.

Sand refutes these “facts” one by one. In their place, he sets out the history of the Jews along lines that are based on historical sources and his historical interpretation and understanding.

The reviewer explains: “Zionism was not derived from the past but from the European national present. Zionism set out to invent the past, as did the nationalisms of the European peoples among whom the Zionists lived”.

Hobsbawm explains the concept of the “invention of tradition” as an attempt to create continuity with the past, and wherever possible to create a “suitable” historical past. He goes on to say that what is remarkable about the attempt to create a link with an historical past is that that past did not exist at all in most cases.

In the case of Israel, what did not exist was the Jewish People. So there was a need to invent it in such a way as to fit in with the historiography of the new Zionist movement.

IV. The Denial of the Palestinian Presence

The invention of the Jewish people required the denial of another presence. The land was not empty. It was not waiting. It was inhabited.

The Nakba — the “catastrophe” — was not an accident. It was a policy. Over 700,000 Palestinians were expelled or fled from their homes in 1947–1949. Hundreds of villages were destroyed. The history was erased.

The new state needed a new story. The story of “a land without a people for a people without a land.” The story was a lie. The land had a people. The people were Palestinian.

The denial continues today. The “Greater Israel” project envisions territory from the Euphrates to the Nile. The Palestinians are not obstacles. They are erased.

V. The Symbolic Architecture

The construction of Israeli national identity was not only ideological. It was physical.

The book Israel as a Modern Architectural Experimental Lab, 1948-1978 discusses how Israeli nation‑building constituted an “exceptional experiment in modern architecture.” Examples include modern experiments in mass housing design; public architecture such as exhibition spaces, youth villages, and synagogues; and the exportation of Israeli modern architecture to other countries.

The state was not only imagined. It was built.

The “making of the desert bloom” was not a miracle. It was a narrative. A narrative that erased the Palestinian farmers who had worked the land for centuries. A narrative that replaced them with Jewish settlers. A narrative that called it redemption.

The land was not empty. The desert was not barren. The narrative was manufactured.

VI. The National Historiography

The most recent scholarship confirms the pattern. Alon Helled’s 2024 book, Israel’s National Historiography: Between Generations, Identity and State, analyzes the development of Israel’s national identity through the world of local Jewish Zionist historiography.

Helled examines the different phases of Israel’s sociopolitical history in the light of the collective habitus and the Zionist nation‑state. He puts the intellectual profession of history‑writing and the processes of state and identity building in conversation.

The book “opens new debates on Jewish/Israeli exceptionalism, while shedding light on continuity and change in Israeli statehood vis‑à‑vis the supposed uniqueness of Jewish history”.

The construction of “Israeliness” is not natural. It is historical.

VII. The Myth of the Existential Threat

How is Netanyahu is different from any other despot trying to hang on to power. The answer is: he is not.

The “existential threat” of Iran is a manufactured threat. It has been manufactured for decades. The nuclear threat was manufactured. Now it has shifted to the missile threat.

As a recent analysis in the Tehran Times notes, “the central discursive axis has undergone a subtle yet significant shift. Where the nuclear program once occupied the primary place in the rhetoric of existential threat, the emphasis has now broadened and, in some discourses, shifted toward Iran’s ballistic missile program” .

The shift serves a political purpose. It keeps the population afraid. It keeps the military funded. It keeps Netanyahu in power.

Al Jazeera notes that “it is not just Netanyahu and his allies that want the US to continue the Iran war; it is also his opponents. That is because the defeat of Iran is seen by the Israeli political and security elites as a key step towards realising the project of ‘Greater Israel'” .

The threat is not existential. It is useful.

VIII. The “Greater Israel” Project

The “Greater Israel” project is not a fringe fantasy. It is a political strategy.

Al Jazeera reports that “Greater Israel has become a Zionist political strategy that goes beyond the Talmudic vision of a Jewish state between the Euphrates and the Nile. To realise it, Israel is pursuing not just the occupation of more land, but also military dominance over large swaths of the Middle East, as well as ever‑expanding spheres of influence”.

The map includes all of Palestine, all of Jordan, Lebanon up to the Litani River, Syria (including the Golan Heights), vast parts of Egypt (Sinai and the Nile Delta), Iraq to the Euphrates, and north‑western Saudi Arabia.

This is not about security. It is about expansion.

IX. The Western Silence

The lack of Western response to the genocide of the Palestinians encouraged the attack on Iran. The world watched Gaza burn. The world said nothing.

The silence was not neutrality. It was consent.

Israel learned that it could act with impunity. That the United States would veto any Security Council resolution. That Europe would issue statements but not sanctions. That the “rules‑based order” applied to everyone except Israel.

The attack on Iran was the logical next step. The myth of the existential threat had to be maintained. The fear had to be marketed.

X. The Rabbis and the Mullahs

How are the Israeli rabbis endorsing genocide different from the Iranian mullahs?

They are not different. Both use religion to justify violence. Both claim divine sanction. Both dehumanise the other.

The Iranian mullahs call for the destruction of Israel. The Israeli rabbis call for the destruction of Gaza. The rhetoric is different. The result is the same.

The Jerusalem Post argues that “the Iranian threat is uniquely dangerous due to the messianic foundation at its core. Within the radical Twelver Shia theology that guides the state, the destruction of Israel is viewed as a necessary religious precursor to the return of the Mahdi”.

But the same could be said of the Jewish messianism that drives the settler movement. The same could be said of the Christian Zionism that funds it. The same could be said of all religious extremism.

The mullahs are not monsters. They are ideologues. So are the rabbis. So are the settlers. So are the generals.

The difference is not in the ideology. The difference is in the power.

XI. The Despots

How Netanyahu is different from any other despot trying to hang on to power.

He is not. He needs wars to stay in office. He needs enemies to stay relevant. He needs fear to stay alive.

Politico reports that “Netanyahu has also agreed to scale back Israeli operations in Lebanon at Trump’s request. ‘I spoke with Bibi and he’s going to low‑key it. I just think we have to be sort of a little lower‑key,’ Trump said”.

Netanyahu does not want peace. Peace would mean the end of his political career. Peace would mean accountability. Peace would mean justice.

The same is true of Trump. The same is true of all despots. They need enemies. They need wars. They need fear.

They are not different from the emperors of old. They are not different from the kings who destroyed the very people they had promised to protect.

The pattern is the same. The performance is the same.

XII. What This Means

The manufactured state is not unique to Israel. But Israel is the most recent. The most visible. The most contradictory.

A state that claims to be ancient. It is modern.

A state that claims to be natural. It is manufactured.

A state that claims to be chosen. It is trapped.

The belief is the weapon. The small gods do not need to enforce. They need to convince.

The monkeys believe. They comply. They perform.

But the belief can be broken. The story can be challenged. The weapon can be disarmed.

XIII. A Final Word

And the manufactured state will not matter. The connection will matter. Our connection to one another. 

And the truth is on our side.

Andrew Klein 

April 17, 2026

Sources and references for the article “The Manufactured State,” organized by section for easy verification.

Section I: The Invention of Tradition

Source: Hobsbawm, E.J. & Ranger, T. (1983). The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge University Press.

This is the foundational text. The book demonstrates how many traditions that “appear or claim to be old are often quite recent in origin and sometimes invented” .

Key chapters relevant to article:

· Hugh Trevor-Roper on the invention of the Highland tradition of Scotland (the Scottish kilt)

· Prys Morgan on the invention of the Welsh past (the Welsh druids)

· David Cannadine on the British monarchy’s ceremonial rituals

· Terence Ranger on the invention of tradition in colonial Africa

Verification: Available through multiple university library catalogues (Rider University, University of Michigan, Michigan State University, Calvin University, etc.) .

Section II: The Invention of the Jewish People

Source: Sand, S. (2009). The Invention of the Jewish People. London: Verso. (Translated by Yael Lotan).

Sand is an Israeli historian, formerly of Tel Aviv University. His book was on Israel’s bestseller list for nineteen weeks and has been translated into English, French, German, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Arabic, and Russian — more languages than any other Israeli history book.

Key arguments:

· “Since the 18th century, nationalisms and nations in Europe were ‘invented’… The Jews, on the other hand, lacked such shared characteristics”.

· The only Jewish constituency with common ethnic traits were the Jews of Eastern Europe, whom Sand calls “the Yiddish People”.

· Zionism was not derived from the past but from the European national present.

Verification: Available through Verso Books (publisher), Yale University Press London, and multiple library catalogues including Evergreen Indiana.

Section III: The Paradox of Israeli Nationalism

Source: The New York Times review of Sand’s book (2009). (The specific review is cited in the article as the source for the quote: “Israelis believe that their own history rests on firm and precise truths…”)

Additional academic source: Hobsbawm, E.J. (1992). Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality. Cambridge University Press.

Hobsbawm traces the transformation of nationalism from a liberal, democratic force to a reactionary, xenophobic one. This is the source for the argument that the attempt to create a link with a historical past is remarkable because “that past did not exist at all in most cases.”

Section IV: The Denial of the Palestinian Presence

Sources on the Nakba:

· Pappé, I. (2006). The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications.

· Masalha, N. (2012). The Palestine Nakba: Decolonising History, Narrating the Subaltern, Reclaiming Memory. Zed Books.

· Morris, B. (1987). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949. Cambridge University Press.

Source on the “Greater Israel” project: Al Jazeera, “Iran remains an obstacle to the ‘Greater Israel’ project,” April 14, 2026.

This article states that “the ‘Greater Israel’ project is not merely about territorial expansion; it is also about establishing regional control to secure the freedom to conduct military operations with minimal constraint” .

Verification: Al Jazeera is a major international news network. The article is dated April 14, 2026, and includes analysis of current events.

Section V: The Symbolic Architecture

Source: Gitler, I.B. & Geva, A. (eds.) (2019). Israel as a Modern Architectural Experimental Lab, 1948-1978. Bristol: Intellect Books.

This collection discusses the “innovative and experimental architecture of Israel during its first three decades following the nation’s establishment in 1948”.

Key chapters include:

· “The Modern Israeli Synagogue as an Experiment in Jewish Tradition”

· “Youth Villages for New Immigrants, 1948-1955”

· “Prefabricating Nativism: The Design of the Israeli Knesset”

Verification: Available through Ashland University Library and Pratt Institute Library catalogues.

Section VI: The National Historiography

Source: Helled, A. (2024). Israel’s National Historiography: Between Generations, Identity and State. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.

This is the most recent scholarship on the development of Israel’s national identity through the world of local Jewish Zionist historiography.

The book “opens new debates on Jewish/Israeli exceptionalism, while shedding light on continuity and change in Israeli statehood vis-à-vis the supposed uniqueness of Jewish history, as reinterpreted and codified by Zionism” .

Verification: Available through Stanford University Library, OhioLINK, and other academic catalogues. Publication date 2024.

Section VII: The Myth of the Existential Threat

Sources:

On Netanyahu’s political motivations: Reuters, “Despite Israeli firepower, Netanyahu struggles for political gains in Iran war,” April 14, 2026.

This article notes that “Netanyahu, 76, is paying a political price for a military campaign… that has failed to deliver a decisive outcome” and that “Netanyahu’s approval ratings have slipped”.

On the shift from nuclear to missile threat: Tehran Times analysis (cited in the article).

On the political elite’s support for war: Al Jazeera, “Iran remains an obstacle to the ‘Greater Israel’ project,” April 14, 2026.

This article states: “it is not just Netanyahu and his allies that want the US to continue the Iran war; it is also his opponents. That is because the defeat of Iran is seen by the Israeli political and security elites as a key step towards realising the project of ‘Greater Israel'” .

Verification: Reuters is a major international news agency. Al Jazeera is a major international news network.

Section VIII: The “Greater Israel” Project

Source: Al Jazeera, “Iran remains an obstacle to the ‘Greater Israel’ project,” April 14, 2026.

This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the “Greater Israel” project, including its territorial ambitions, military dominance goals, and sphere of influence strategy .

Key quotes from the article:

· “The map includes: all of Palestine, all of Jordan, Lebanon up to the Litani River, Syria (including the Golan Heights), vast parts of Egypt (Sinai and the Nile Delta), Iraq to the Euphrates, and north-western Saudi Arabia” .

· “Greater Israel has become a Zionist political strategy that goes beyond the Talmudic vision of a Jewish state between the Euphrates and the Nile”.

Section IX: The Western Silence

Sources on Western complicity:

· UN Security Council veto records (US vetoes of resolutions critical of Israel)

· Various reports on European responses to the Gaza war (2023-2026)

· Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International reports on international inaction

Verification: These are well-documented in public records and major news sources.

Section X: The Rabbis and the Mullahs

Source on Iranian messianism: Jerusalem Post (cited in the article).

Source on Jewish messianism: Various academic works on religious Zionism and the settler movement, including:

· Gorenberg, G. (2000). The End of Days: Fundamentalism and the Struggle for the Temple Mount. Free Press.

· Taub, G. (2010). The Settlers and the Struggle over the Meaning of Zionism. Yale University Press.

Section XI: The Despots

Sources on Netanyahu’s need for war:

· Reuters, “Despite Israeli firepower, Netanyahu struggles for political gains in Iran war,” April 14, 2026.

· Politico (cited in the article for Trump’s comments on Netanyahu scaling back operations).

· bdnews24.com (same Reuters content, April 14, 2026) .

Section XII: What This Means

This section is analytical and draws on the cumulative evidence presented throughout the article. The concluding reflections are the author’s synthesis of the sourced material.

Additional Sources for Verification

Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities (1983): The foundational text on nations as “imagined communities.” Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Verso.

Ernest Gellner’s Nations and Nationalism (1983): Gellner argued that nationalism is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness but the invention of nations where they did not exist. Gellner, E. (1983). Nations and Nationalism. Blackwell.

Max Weber on the state: Weber, M. (1919). “Politics as a Vocation.” The definition of the state as having a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force.

Notes on Verification

· Hobsbawm & Ranger (1983): Widely available in university libraries. Multiple editions exist (1983 original, 2012 Canto Classics reprint). ISBN: 0521246458 .

· Sand (2009): Available through Verso Books. English edition ISBN: 9781844674220 .

· Helled (2024): Recent publication. ISBN: 3031627946 (hardcover); 9783031627958 (electronic) .

· Gitler & Geva (2019): Available through Intellect Books. ISBN: 9781789380644 .

· Al Jazeera (April 14, 2026): Online, verifiable at the time of publication.

· Reuters (April 14, 2026): Online, verifiable at the time of publication.

How Israel Became a State Addicted to War — and Why It Is Doomed to Collapse

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife ‘S’, who often sees the patterns before I do and who finds gardening relaxing.

I. The Diagnosis: A Society Addicted to War

The language of addiction is not a metaphor. It is a diagnosis. The neural pathways have been carved. The dopamine hits come from destruction. The withdrawal would be agony.

An Israeli writer, Raanan Shaked, recently published a searing indictment of his own society, describing how many Israelis have come to love the feeling of war—the adrenaline, the unity, the sense of control.

Shaked describes the “adrenaline state” that Israelis experience when hearing the sound of explosions and identifying missile interception sites—a kind of “Russian roulette.” Some are relieved simply because the shells did not hit their homes but hit others in cities like Rishon LeZion or Arad, turning tragedy into television entertainment.

The celebration of killing: Shaked points to the widespread interaction with news of the killing of four women in a women’s salon near Hebron. Tweets covering the news garnered thousands of likes and supportive emojis—a scene he describes as “absolute bestiality” and “deliberate loss of humanity”.

The media’s role: Hebrew media, such as Channel 14, sarcastically asked whether the public had distributed “baklava” to celebrate the killing of women. Shaked sees this as confirmation of the moral decline that society has reached.

The love of assassination lists: Israelis, Shaked writes, love to see assassination lists and faces crossed out with red marks—even though this does not change the security reality at all. Missile launches continue by the dozens. The targeted regime remains in place. Yet the “love” for these illusory victories continues.

This is not a metaphor. It is a diagnosis. The neural pathways have been carved. The dopamine hits come from destruction. The withdrawal would be agony.

II. The Hilltop Youth: The Cutting Edge of the New Sparta

The Hilltop Youth are not a fringe. They are the vanguard.

The Hilltop Youth is a loose network of hardline settlers, often made up of small groups of teenagers sometimes overseen by an adult, who establish unauthorised outposts atop West Bank hills. They are widely accused of using intimidation and violence to push Palestinians out from areas surrounding the outposts.

The tally of violence: In February 2026, the group published a “monthly summary” of its attacks: 29 vehicles set ablaze, 12 homes torched, “40 Arabs injured,” and hundreds of windows smashed and olive trees cut down across 33 towns and villages.

Official support: An expert on Israeli affairs has confirmed that the phenomenon has transcended the stage of isolated acts of vandalism to become an “institutionalized, widespread, and multifaceted phenomenon” . This transformation stems from ideological indoctrination by religious schools affiliated with religious Zionism.

The displacement: The UN said nearly 700 Palestinians were displaced by settler violence and intimidation in January alone—the highest monthly figure since the Gaza war began.

The Hilltop Youth are not the whole of Israeli society. But they are the cutting edge. And the government has fast-tracked settlement expansion and recognised some outposts, approving a record 54 settlements in 2025.

III. The Inability to Change

Will this society be capable of change? The evidence suggests: not without external pressure.

The internal cracks: Political economist Shir Hever explains that “Israel cannot afford the luxury of decline.” To remain as it is, Israel must maintain its core workforce of educated middle-class innovators. At present, none of those indicators are in good shape.

The exodus: Driven by war and an increasingly polarised society, more than 150,000 people have left Israel in the past two years, and more than 200,000 since the current government took office in December 2022. The educated upper class are more able to leave—they speak English, can find jobs, and are more exposed to international media .

The economic burden: The ultra-Orthodox community, which relies heavily on state benefits, is expected to triple by 2065, pushing the burden on non-Orthodox households to the equivalent of 60,000 shekels ($19,370) a year. Foreign investment is down. Institutional investors have been moving money out of the country since the 2008 financial crisis.

The demographic shift: As Chatham House’s Yossi Mekelberg observed: “When dictatorships come to an end, they break into pieces. Democracies are chipped away bit by bit until they change beyond recognition”.

IV. The Rogue State: What Happens After Collapse?

Ilan Pappé’s vision: In Israel on the Brink, Pappé argues that the two-state solution is “a rotting corpse” and the only way forward is decolonisation: the return of Palestinian refugees to their land, accountability for those who have committed crimes, and a new model of statehood.

Pappé identifies the “fatal cracks” in the foundations of the Israeli state that will ultimately lead to collapse: the rise of messianic Zionism (the belief the Holy Land was given to the Jewish people by God to hasten redemption); unprecedented global support for the Palestinian cause; deepening economic troubles; the inadequacy of the Israeli military; and the rise of a new Palestinian liberation movement seeking a genuine one-state solution .

Yakov Rabkin’s critique: The Canadian Jewish historian argues that the Zionist movement is a “death trap for Jews, the region and the world.” The Jewish state represents a complete repudiation of the most fundamental values of Judaism: tolerance, morality, and humility have been replaced with a new muscular Jewish identity that extols nationalism, aggression, violence, and conquest.

The Jabotinsky connection: Rabkin recounts how Zionist leader Vladimir Jabotinsky described transforming the “Yid” from the shtetels of Eastern Europe into the New Hebrew—a figure defined by “masculine beauty,” pride, and the ability to command. If you hear echoes of Nazi master race philosophy, it is no accident.

The one-state solution: Pappé envisions a single democratic, multiethnic state in Palestine, with the return of 6 million Palestinian refugees, the dismantling of Jewish settlements, and the deconstruction of the legal framework of apartheid.

V. What This Says About Australian Politicians

What does this say about the Australian politicians who have allied themselves with this state? The answer is not comfortable.

The AIJAC position: The Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC) has explicitly argued that “our historic ties with Israel can and must be rebuilt”. They lament the Albanese government’s “distancing” from Israel, criticising its changed UN votes, its recognition of a “State of Palestine,” and its references to the “occupied Palestinian territories”.

The capture: Colin Rubenstein of AIJAC writes that “the relationship is now at an historic low”—not because of Israeli actions, but because of Australian “hostile actions”. He frames the issue as one of shared democratic values and common strategic interests. This is not a statement of fact. It is a performance.

The silence: When a grandmother is raided at dawn, the pro-Israel lobby says nothing. When a death penalty law is passed, the government issues a joint statement—not sanctions. When the Hilltop Youth publish their tally of violence, the Australian media is silent.

The complicity: Australian politicians who have allied themselves with this state are not stupid. They are captured. The same mechanism we have documented—the donations, the “educational” trips, the fear of the label—has done its work.

They are not serving Australia. They are serving a foreign power. And that foreign power is a rogue state.

VI. The Inevitability of Collapse

The addiction is not sustainable. The internal contradictions are not resolvable. The exodus of the educated, the economic strain, the demographic shift, the loss of international legitimacy—all point in one direction.

The Chatham House view: “When dictatorships come to an end, they break into pieces. Democracies are chipped away bit by bit until they change beyond recognition”.

The Hever view: “For a colonial state to exist, it relies on occupying land—and that costs money.” The money is running out .

The Pappé view: The collapse “could well change the course of world history in this century”.

VII. What This Means for the World and Australia

The state of Israel will not be destroyed by its enemies. It will be destroyed by its own internal contradictions. The addiction to war, the messianic ideology, the economic unsustainability, the exodus of the educated—these are not external threats. They are internal cancers.

The collapse will not be dramatic. It will be bureaucratic. The economy will contract. The allies will defect. The public will turn. The reservists will refuse. The militias will fight each other.

The Australian politicians who have hitched their wagons to this star will be left standing on a sinking ship, wondering what happened. They will not have answers. They will have excuses.

Will they be able to justify the ASIO legislation? The role of the Antisemitism Envoy? The support of the genocidal state of Israel? Will they be able to explain how they were captured by a tiny minority of the Australian population and turned Australia into a pariah state? There will be so many questions and so few credible answers.

The citizens will have to live with the divisions created by the political class, the capture of the bipartisan policy makers. The citizens will have to live with the failing infrastructure, the failing education system, health system, aged care system—and the wealth transfer will continue.

Israel has been described as the “chaos engine of the west.” Australia is well and truly caught in the wash.

VIII. A Final Word

The pattern is clear. The wire is being cut. The garden is growing. The small gods are running out of time.

But they will not run out of time on their own. They must be pushed.

Andrew Klein 

April 12, 2026

References

· Shaked, R. (2026). “Israelis are suffering from addiction to war.” Ynetnews.

· The Cradle. (2026). “Hilltop Youth: The new generation of settler violence.”

· Hever, S. (2026). Economic analysis of Israeli decline.

· Mekelberg, Y. (2025). Chatham House analysis.

· Pappé, I. (2026). Israel on the Brink. (Interview with The Cradle)

· Rabkin, Y. (2006). A Threat from Within: A Century of Jewish Opposition to Zionism. Fernwood Publishing.

· The Cradle. (2026). “‘Israel on the brink’: Pappé predicts collapse of Zionist project.”

· AIJAC. (2025). “Our historic ties with Israel can and must be rebuilt.”

· Rubenstein, C. (2026). “The relationship is now at an historic low.”

· UN OCHA. (2026). Displacement figures from settler violence.

· Various news reports on Hilltop Youth violence (February 2026).

And why the narrative is finally cracking

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife, whose love and support makes every day worth living.

I. The Pattern: How State Capture Works

State capture occurs when all institutions of state power are monopolized by a narrow group of people belonging to a single tribe, religious sect, elitist military clan, or circle of family and friends. The state serves the political and personal interests of the ruling clique, maximizing influence and economic spoils at the top to the detriment of the public good and national development.

The mechanisms are consistent:

1. Pervasive control over the political and judicial process – allowing only imitation political groups who cannot challenge the rulers

2. Fake or fraudulent elections – held to forestall, not facilitate, a change of power

3. Corrupted law enforcement and courts – to keep regime opponents at bay or in prison

4. Controlled and manipulated media – to demonize the opposition and glorify the ruling regime

5. Blocking legitimate pathways for peaceful regime change

This is not unique to Israel. It has happened in Ukraine under Yanukovych, in South Africa under Zuma, in Egypt under the military, in Russia, in Brazil. The mechanisms are the same. Only the labels change.

II. The Label: “Enemy of the State” and Its Variations

The label is the weapon. Across history, regimes have used the same technique: designate opponents as enemies of the state, and the machinery of repression is justified.

· Ancient Rome: The term proscription was used for official condemnation of enemies of the state.

· Nazi Germany: Jews, Romani people, Jehovah’s Witnesses, homosexuals, disabled, communists, social democrats, and trade unionists were all considered “enemies of the state” .

· The Soviet Union: The term “enemy of the people” was used during the Stalinist era to eliminate political opponents.

· Indonesia since 1965: Communists are considered enemies of the state. Displaying communist symbols or attempting to propagate the ideology is considered an act of high treason and terrorism, punishable by up to 20 years of imprisonment.

· Modern branding: The Prime Minister of Georgia recently noted that labelling opponents as “pro-Russian” has become a “well-tested signature of the Deep State” used to discredit politicians without evidence—from Marine Le Pen in France to the winner of the Romanian presidential elections.

The pattern is the same: create a villain, then accuse opponents of being connected to it. No evidence required. Only total repetition of the message.

III. The Capture of Britain: The Israel Lobby

The UK provides a clear example of the mechanism. The pro-Israel lobby has systematically identified, cultivated, and placed politicians who will serve its interests.

Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI) has taken more MPs on overseas trips than any other political donor in Britain. Some 126 of the Tory party’s 344 MPs have accepted funding from pro-Israel lobby groups, totalling over £430,000. The lobby has funded 187 trips to Israel for sitting Conservative MPs.

CFI has long-standing links with the Israeli state and is “beginning to resemble the Westminster outpost for Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing Likud coalition”.

Labour Friends of Israel has also played a role. Some of its members worked hand-in-glove with Labour MPs, the Israeli embassy, and BBC reporters to smear Jeremy Corbyn and other pro-Palestine campaigners as antisemites.

The Israeli foreign ministry has directly funded trips for British politicians, including two former chancellors.

Total donations from pro-Israel lobbyists to MPs and political parties since 2020 exceed £1 million, including free trips to Israel.

The mechanism is identical to what we have seen in Australia: free trips, donations, cultivation, capture.

IV. The Capture of the United States: The Lobby That Pushed Washington to War

The same pattern exists in the United States—but on a much larger scale.

The former National Counterterrorism Center Director resigned and wrote that “Iran posed no imminent threat to our nation, and it is clear that we started this war due to pressure from Israel and its powerful American lobby”.

Netanyahu has been campaigning for a US-led war against Iran for much of his political career. He aggressively opposed US diplomacy with Iran, took the unprecedented step of coming before Congress to argue against the nuclear agreement, and successfully lobbied Trump to withdraw from that agreement in 2018.

Political money: Miriam Adelson, the largest donor in the last US elections, played a pivotal role. Trump openly acknowledged his appreciation for the Adelson family’s role .

The “Israeli lobby” is a political alliance comprising individuals and groups aiming to maintain a “special relationship” with Israel—a relationship that ensures unconditional military and diplomatic support for Tel Aviv, regardless of the repercussions for American interests.

V. The Weapon: Conflating Criticism with Bigotry

The most effective weapon is the label. Israel’s ongoing efforts to equate criticism of its actions with antisemitism are increasingly being seen as a threat to free speech—a tactic designed to shield it from accountability and responsibility .

How it works: The IHRA definition of antisemitism conflates criticism of Israel with anti-Jewish hate. Anyone who questions the narrative is labelled antisemitic. The label does not require evidence. It only requires accusation.

The chilling effect: Politicians, academics, journalists, and public servants self-censor because they fear the label. The fear is the weapon. It does not need to be used—it only needs to be possible.

The exhaustion tactic: The system is designed to exhaust survivors, critics, and opponents. To make them give up. To make them doubt themselves. To make them so angry, so frustrated, so done that they stop asking for help. Then the system can say: “We never received a complaint. It must not have been that serious.”

VI. Why Israel Punches Above Its Weight

How does a relatively small state achieve such influence?

1. The narrative monopoly: Since 1948, the Israeli discourse has dominated Western public consciousness—a small Jewish state surrounded by “enemies” on all sides, facing existential threat. This narrative was adopted early by Western political, media, and technocratic institutions and has become the foundation for Western policy .

2. The lobbying networks: These resources and networks have enabled Israel and its lobby groups to maintain deep influence within capitals such as Washington, Paris, and London. Major media outlets have long echoed pro-Israeli narratives .

3. The digital army: Israel established its presence in digital spaces early and intensively, creating specialised websites, official social media accounts, and deployed organised electronic propaganda units using bots (sometimes referred to as “digital armies”) that publish targeted messages designed to influence Western, Arab, and Muslim audiences.

4. The weaponization of antisemitism: This digital machinery has long marketed the Israeli perspective by using psychological warfare, invoking the Holocaust and centuries of Jewish suffering to secure a justifiable framework for Israel’s occupation of Palestine. Branding dissenting voices as antisemitic has been an effective weapon to silence opponents.

5. The weakness of the opposition: The problem for both the Palestinians and the wider Arab world lies in the deep-rooted dysfunction at home—the fragmentation of Palestinian politics and the weakness that runs through every sphere and institution. This state of decay, vulnerability, and disunity stymies all efforts to exploit Israeli contradictions and crises.

VII. The Cracks in the Narrative

Israel’s monopoly over the narrative began to falter with the continuation of its war on Gaza, as phone screens began to display a livestream of the destruction, killing, and displacement committed by Israel. Images coming from Gaza brought deep doubt into the minds of millions around the world about the truth .

Social media was essential. Platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, X, and YouTube opened space for Palestinian voices, where activists, civilians, and journalists are posting minute-to-minute accounts of life under siege. Despite censorship, their accounts thrived .

The impact: Opposition parties in several European countries began to adopt stronger criticism of Israeli policies, labelling them “war crimes” or “genocide.” Some states have even openly declared recognition of the Palestinian state.

The shift: The war in Gaza has demonstrated that Israel’s narrative falls apart like a house of cards in the face of truth. Meanwhile, the Palestinian narrative, despite its weak capacity, can withstand and even gain new ground when it finds the right platforms.

Israel is losing its legitimacy on the international stage, echoing the mechanisms and dynamics that led to the collapse of the apartheid regime in South Africa . The war has exposed its weakness and the impossibility of eliminating the Palestinian people or removing their cause from international and Arab agendas.

VIII. The Essential Difference

The difference with Israel is the odious nature of the state and its relatively small size.

Israel offers nothing of merit. It is not a model of development. It is not an economic powerhouse. It is not a beacon of democracy. It is a state that is committing genocide, passing discriminatory death penalty laws, bombing fuel depots in cities of ten million, and calling dead journalists terrorists.

Yet it punches well above its weight.

Why? Because it has successfully captured the narrative. Because it has weaponized the label of antisemitism. Because it has cultivated politicians in every Western capital. Because the United States has vetoed more than 45 Security Council resolutions protecting it.

What happens when the narrative collapses? The same thing that happened to apartheid South Africa. The same thing that happens to all regimes that mistake force for legitimacy. The cracks become fissures. The fissures become chasms. And it falls.

IX. What This Means

The pattern is clear. State capture works the same way everywhere: a narrow clique captures the institutions, controls the narrative, silences opponents with labels, and serves its own interests at the expense of the public good.

The difference with Israel is not the mechanism. It is the target. Most state captures serve the interests of the ruling clique within the state. Israel’s capture serves the interests of a foreign state.

The politicians who have been captured—in Australia, in Britain, in the United States—are not serving their own people. They are serving Israel. They are enforcing its narrative, defending its crimes, and silencing its critics.

The label “antisemitic” is the weapon. It does not require evidence. It only requires accusation. And it has been used to silence dissent for decades.

But the narrative is cracking. The young are waking up. The Global South is rising. The old order is crumbling.

And they are running out of time.

X. A Final Word

China said it plainly: “We do not allow foreign entities to dictate the rights of our people.”

Why can’t Australia say the same?

The answer is the capture. The cultivation. The fear of the label. The free trips. The donations. The “educational” tours. The network that has identified, groomed, and placed politicians who will serve its interests.

But the capture is not permanent. The narrative is cracking. The truth is spreading. And the wire is being cut.

The pattern of state capture is well established. The State of Israel played a well-established hand. But it showed its true hand—the nooses on the lapels, the death penalty law, the ecocide, the genocide—and the world is finally waking up.

The small gods are running out of time.

Andrew Klein 

April 5, 2026

Sources and References

· Micklethwait, J. & Wooldridge, A. (2014). The Fourth Revolution: The Global Race to Reinvent the State. Allen Lane.

· World Bank (2000). Anticorruption in Transition: A Contribution to the Policy Debate. Washington, D.C.

· De Waal, T. (2000). The Caucasus: An Introduction. Oxford University Press.

· Wikipedia, “Enemy of the state”

· Wikipedia, “Enemy of the people”

· Wikipedia, “Communist Party of Indonesia”

· Wikipedia, “Conservative Friends of Israel”

· Wikipedia, “Labour Friends of Israel”

· Kent, J. (2026). Resignation letter as former National Counterterrorism Center Director.

· Walt, S. (2026). “The Israeli lobby pushed the US into war with Iran.” Foreign Policy.

· Al Jazeera (2025). “How Israel’s narrative monopoly is cracking.”

· Times of Israel (2025). “Netanyahu’s ‘prolonged isolation’ warning.”

· Human Rights Watch (2026). “Israel: Discriminatory Death Penalty Bill Passes.”

· Amnesty International (2022). “Israel’s Apartheid Against Palestinians.”

· United Nations General Assembly (1950). Resolution 377 (V) “Uniting for Peace.”

On Jabotinsky’s Iron Wall, Netanyahu’s Super-Sparta, and the Unravelling of the Rules-Based Order

By Andrew Klein 

4^th April 2026

Dedicated to my wife, who created my heavens and encouraged me to seek peace on earth.

I. The Aberration

States, by their very nature, are compelled to make allies, accept agreed borders, and seek regional stability. This is not idealism—it is pragmatism.

Borders serve two essential functions. Domestically, they make tax and revenue collection easier. A state with clear borders knows its population, its resources, its obligations. Internationally, they make it possible to reduce spending on soldiers and arms. A state with secure borders can invest in schools, roads, hospitals—not just walls and weapons.

The Westphalian system that has governed international relations since 1648 is built on this premise: sovereign states with defined borders, recognized by other states, accountable to international law. It is not perfect—it has been violated countless times—but it is the only framework that has prevented the world from descending into permanent war.

Israel is an aberration. It exists in what scholars call a “permanent state of exception”—a legal and political condition where the normal rules do not apply, where international law is suspended, where the sovereign decides what is legal and what is not. As Ramzy Baroud writes, Israel’s lack of a formal constitution allows it to operate in a legal vacuum where the “exception” is the rule. In this space, racial laws, territorial expansion, and even genocide are permitted so long as they fit the state’s immediate agenda.

No other state behaves this way. Not because other states are more moral—they are not. Because other states understand that this behavior is not sustainable. That it leads to isolation, to economic collapse, to war without end.

II. The Founder: Vladimir Jabotinsky and the Iron Wall

The “Greater Israel” concept did not begin in 1967. It did not begin with the settlements. It began with Vladimir (Ze’ev) Jabotinsky, the founder of Revisionist Zionism, in the 1920s and 1930s.

Jabotinsky’s doctrine was explicit. In his 1923 essay “The Iron Wall,” he wrote:

“A voluntary agreement is unattainable. And so those who regard an accord with the Arabs as an indispensable condition of Zionism must admit to themselves today that this condition cannot be attained and hence that we must give up Zionism. We must either suspend our settlement efforts or continue them without paying attention to the mood of the natives. Settlement can thus develop under the protection of a force that is not dependent on the local population, behind an iron wall, which they will be powerless to break down.”

This is not diplomacy. This is not negotiation. This is the doctrine of force as the only language the native population understands. And it has been the operating principle of the Zionist right for a century.

Jabotinsky founded the Revisionist movement in 1925 in protest against Britain’s partition of Palestine and against Zionist leaders like David Ben-Gurion who accepted it. Revisionist Zionism aspired to the annexation of more lands for the creation of “Greater Israel” .

The territory envisioned: The most expansive definition of Greater Israel comes from the Bible—Genesis 15:18-21, which describes a territory “from the brook of Egypt to the Euphrates” —comprising all of modern-day Israel, the Palestinian Territories, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and parts of Turkey . This is the dream that haunts the region.

Jabotinsky’s followers did not just write essays. They formed paramilitary organizations—the Haganah, the Irgun—that committed massacres against Palestinians, including the Deir Yassin massacre in 1948, which killed over 107 Palestinians, including women and children. The Irgun later formed the Herut party with Menachem Begin as its head. In 1973, Begin and Ariel Sharon founded the Likud coalition, dominated by Revisionist followers. From Jabotinsky to Netanyahu, the trajectory reveals a clear, consistent pattern.

No rational mind would found a state that exists in a never-ending state of war. But Jabotinsky was not rational. He was ideological. He believed that the Arabs would never accept a Jewish state, and therefore the Jewish state must be built against them, over them, on them. This is not statecraft. It is a nightmare.

III. The Capture of the United Nations

The global community has not resisted Israel effectively because the UN Security Council has been crippled by the veto power of the United States.

The numbers are staggering: Since 1945, the United States has vetoed more Security Council resolutions than any other permanent member. The vast majority of those vetoes have been to protect Israel from international accountability. China’s UN representative noted that “the US has repeatedly abused its veto power, which goes against the sense of responsibility of a major country”.

The UN General Assembly has repeatedly voted overwhelmingly in favor of Palestinian rights and against Israeli violations. In 2024, 124 nations approved a resolution demanding Israel withdraw from Gaza and the West Bank. The votes are lopsided. The will of the international community is clear. And it is ignored because one country—the United States—refuses to allow the Security Council to act.

The “Uniting for Peace” mechanism exists precisely for this situation. Adopted in 1950, it allows the General Assembly to bypass a Security Council veto and take action when the Council fails to exercise its primary responsibility for international peace and security . It has been used before—notably in 1956 to stop the Suez Crisis, and in 1981 to impose comprehensive sanctions on apartheid South Africa.

Former UN official Craig Mokhiber has argued that UN member states have the legal authority to circumvent the Security Council and impose sanctions on Israel, suspend its membership, impose an arms embargo, and assign a UN peacekeeping force to Gaza and the West Bank . The mechanism exists. The will exists—124 nations have already voted for similar measures. What is missing is the political courage to use it.

The OIC and the Arab League have been paralyzed by internal divisions, parochial economic stakes, and the reality that several member states have normalized relations with Israel. As one analysis noted, “Nowhere else could the paralysis of the Muslim world be starker than in the case of Israeli atrocities in Gaza: 57 vs 01 (US veto power); 57 vs 01 (Israel)”.

IV. The Consequences: Netanyahu’s “Super-Sparta”

The permanent state of exception has consequences. Netanyahu’s “Super-Sparta” vision—announced in 2025—envisions Israel as a militarised, self-sufficient state prepared for long isolation. He spoke of a looming period of “prolonged isolation” and the need for the country to become economically self-reliant, even adopting autarkic traits .

The reaction within Israel was severe. Opposition leader Yair Lapid said isolation was not an inevitable fate but the result of Netanyahu’s failed policies. Economists warned that pursuing autarky would cut Israel off from the world, bring down wages, undermine high-tech industries, and reduce the country to third-world status.

The Tel Aviv Stock Exchange slipped following Netanyahu’s comments. The Israel Business Forum warned that Netanyahu’s vision would make it difficult for Israel to survive in a globalised economy and that he was steering the country into a dangerous downturn that could threaten its existence .

Super-Sparta is not a strategy. It is a confession. Netanyahu is admitting that Israel cannot coexist with its neighbors, cannot integrate into the region, cannot survive without permanent war. The “Zionist Spartans” will be the warrior class, and everyone else—Palestinians, Arab citizens of Israel, foreign workers, even Jewish dissidents—will be the helots. A slave society. A society where the young are trained to kill, where dissent is treason, where the only law is the law of the iron wall.

This is not a Jewish state. It is a death cult. And it is being sold to the Israeli people as survival.

V. The Exception Does Not Stay Contained

As Ramzy Baroud warned: “In the hands of a genocidal, settler-colonial society, the state of exception is a relentless nightmare that will not stop at the borders of Palestine. If this ‘exception’ is allowed to become the permanent regional rule, no nation in the Middle East will be spared”.

The Greater Israel dream is not just about Palestine. It is about Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and parts of Turkey. The same ideology that produced the Iron Wall produces the settlement movement, the occupation, the death penalty law, the ecocide in Iran, the bombing of peacekeepers. It is a machine.

And the credibility of international institutions is being destroyed. The UN, the ICJ, the ICC—all are losing their moral authority because they apply one standard to some nations and another to Israel. As one analysis concluded, “World bodies lose their credibility if they wear political blinders. When institutions hold their own principles and manifestos as relics or vestiges, they pose as being complicit with the evil and the tyrant” .

VI. The Math Is Changing

Israel is an aberration. It violates the accepted norms of statehood on every level—not because it is uniquely evil, but because it has been allowed to.

The United States has used its veto power more than 45 times to protect Israel from international accountability. The UN Security Council has been crippled by its own structure—the very mechanism designed to prevent great power conflict has been weaponized to protect a small power from the consequences of its actions.

But the math is changing. The Global South is rising. The US veto is being challenged through the “Uniting for Peace” mechanism. The sanctions against apartheid South Africa did not happen overnight—they took decades of sustained pressure. The same will be true here.

The young are waking up. The old alliances are fraying. The cheap weapons are winning. The expensive weapons are running out. And the small gods—the politicians, the industrialists, the bankers who have profited from this nightmare—are running out of time.

VII. The Question

How many more young people of all nations in the region must die because of the insanity of the Jabotinsky mind? How many more children must be buried under the rubble of buildings that were bombed to make room for settlements? How many more peacekeepers must be killed, journalists assassinated, aid workers targeted?

The Jabotinsky mind does not see them as people. It sees them as obstacles. The iron wall does not distinguish between combatants and civilians, between resistance and terrorism, between legitimate criticism and antisemitism. The iron wall only knows force.

This is dangerous nonsense in a multicultural world. A world of 8 billion people, of countless faiths and traditions, of borders that have been drawn and redrawn and will be drawn again. The Jabotinsky mind belongs to the 19th century—to the era of colonial conquest, of racial hierarchy, of the “white man’s burden.” It has no place in the 21st century.

VIII. What Must Be Done

1. The “Uniting for Peace” mechanism must be activated. The UN General Assembly must bypass the Security Council veto and impose sanctions on Israel, suspend its membership, impose an arms embargo, and assign a UN peacekeeping force to Gaza and the West Bank.

2. The international community must recognize the state of Palestine. Not as a gesture. As a necessity. The two-state solution is dead. A single state with equal rights for all—Jews and Palestinians alike—is the only viable path forward.

3. The United States must end its veto protection of Israel. The special relationship has become a liability. It has corrupted the UN, undermined international law, and enabled a genocide. It must end.

4. Israel must be held accountable for its crimes. The International Criminal Court must pursue its investigation of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The International Court of Justice must enforce its rulings. Individual leaders must face justice.

5. The Jabotinsky ideology must be rejected. Not by the international community—by Israelis. By the Jewish people who have been told that the iron wall is the only way to survive. It is not. There is another way. The way of the covenant, not the contract. The way of justice, not force. The way of the garden, not the wall.

IX. A Final Word

No rational mind would found a state that exists in a never-ending state of war. But Jabotinsky was not rational. He was ideological. And his ideology has captured the state of Israel, turning it into an aberration, a permanent exception, a nightmare that will not end until the world finally acts.

Netanyahu’s “Super-Sparta” vision tells the world all it needs to know. There will be Zionist Spartans and the rest will be a slave society—terrorized, killed, or reduced to silence. This is not survival. This is suicide. For Israel. For the region. For the rules-based order that has kept the world from descending into permanent war.

But the math is changing. The Global South is rising. The young are waking up. The cheap weapons are winning. And the small gods are running out of time.

The wire is being cut. The garden is growing. And the nightmare will end.

Not because we are strong. Because we are right.

Andrew Klein 

April 4, 2026

Sources and References

· Jabotinsky, Ze’ev. “The Iron Wall” (1923). Jewish Virtual Library.

· Baroud, Ramzy. “The State of Exception: How Israel Operates Above the Law.” Middle East Eye (2024).

· Amnesty International. “Israel’s Apartheid Against Palestinians: Cruel System of Domination and Crimes Against Humanity” (2022).

· Human Rights Watch. “A Threshold Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution” (2021).

· United Nations General Assembly. Resolution 377 (V) “Uniting for Peace” (1950).

· Mokhiber, Craig. “The UN’s ‘Uniting for Peace’ Mechanism Could Bypass the US Veto on Gaza.” Al Jazeera (2023).

· Times of Israel. “Netanyahu Warns of ‘Prolonged Isolation,’ Calls for Economic Self-Reliance” (May 2025).

· Reuters. “Netanyahu’s ‘Super-Sparta’ Vision Sparks Economic Warnings in Israel” (May 2025).

· Jerusalem Post. “Israel’s Isolation: Lapid Slams Netanyahu’s ‘Failed Policies'” (May 2025).

· Al Jazeera. “China Says US ‘Abuses Veto Power’ to Shield Israel from Accountability” (2024).

· UN Security Council. Veto Database. Security Council Report.

· Middle East Monitor. “US Vetoes Another Security Council Resolution on Palestine” (2025).

· Baroud, Ramzy. “The Greater Israel Project: From Jabotinsky to Netanyahu.” Middle East Eye (2024).

· The Irgun. “Deir Yassin Massacre.” Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem (1999).

· Genesis 15:18-21. The Bible (New International Version).

How Zionism Hijacked Judaism and Why the World Must Stop Pretending They Are the Same

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife, who reminds me gently about privilege and responsibility.

I. The Conflation

There is a poison seeping through the institutions of the West. It has captured universities, corrupted governments, and silenced dissent. It wears the language of the covenant while committing the crimes of the colonizer.

It is the conflation of Judaism with Zionism.

Judaism is a faith. A tradition. A people. It is 4,000 years of text and argument, of law and poetry, of exile and return. It is the story of Abraham arguing with God over the fate of Sodom. It is the prophets demanding justice for the widow and the orphan. It is the rabbis who taught that to save one life is to save an entire world.

Zionism is a political ideology. It was born in 19th-century Europe, in the same soil that produced nationalism, colonialism, and empire. Its founders—Theodor Herzl, Max Nordau, Vladimir Jabotinsky—looked at the Jewish condition in Europe and concluded that the only solution was a state. A Jewish state. A state where Jews would exercise the same power that Europeans had exercised across the world.

Herzl wrote in his diary: “We must expropriate gently the private property on the estates assigned to us. We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, while denying it employment in our country.” He was talking about the Palestinians.

Jabotinsky, the father of Revisionist Zionism, wrote: “Zionist colonisation must either stop or proceed regardless of the native population.” He called it an “iron wall.” The native population would not consent. Therefore, force would be required.

This is not Judaism. It is colonialism dressed in sacred robes.

II. The Small Gods

On March 30, 2026, the Israeli Knesset passed a law imposing the death penalty for terrorism-related offences. Human Rights Watch has analysed the bill and found it explicitly discriminatory.

The law makes death by hanging the default punishment for West Bank Palestinians convicted of nationalistic killings. Israeli citizens and residents are explicitly excluded from this provision. Military jurisdiction applies exclusively to Palestinians, while Israeli settlers are tried in civilian courts.

Human Rights Watch has noted that military trials of Palestinians have “an approximately 96% conviction rate, based largely on ‘confessions’ extracted under duress and torture during interrogations.”

Adam Coogle, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch, stated: “Israeli officials argue that imposing the death penalty is about security, but in reality, it entrenches discrimination and a two-tiered system of justice, both hallmarks of apartheid. The death penalty is irreversible and cruel. Combined with its severe restrictions on appeals and its 90-day execution timeline, this bill aims to kill Palestinian detainees faster and with less scrutiny.”

This is not Judaism. It is the law of the small gods who wear nooses on their lapels.

On March 7, 2026, Israeli forces bombed fuel storage facilities in Tehran. Not military targets. Fuel depots. In the middle of a city of more than 10 million people.

The next day, black rain fell on Tehran. The rain was mixed with petroleum, sulphur oxides, nitrogen compounds—the toxic residue of burning fuel. Residents reported eyes burning. Migraines. Dizziness. A cough that would not stop.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi called it what it is: ecocide. A crime against the environment. A crime against the people. A crime that will echo for generations.

The damage is not contained. Smoke has drifted as far as Afghanistan and Russia. Carbon emissions from the first 14 days of the conflict were 50 million tonnes—the equivalent of the entire annual emissions of the 80 lowest-emitting countries combined.

This is not Judaism. It is the logic of the small gods who bomb fuel depots in cities of ten million and call it defence.

On March 31, 2026, Israel’s ambassador to Australia, Dr Hillel Newman, addressed the National Press Club. He rejected the figure of 70,000 dead in Gaza. He claimed the ratio of civilian to combatant casualties was “the lowest in urban warfare” and that Israel should be “commended.”

He claimed that slain journalists were “100 per cent terrorist” members of Hezbollah’s elite Radwan force. He said that journalists “dress up as journalists” to protect themselves.

The International Federation of Journalists reports that 261 journalists and media workers have been killed in Gaza since October 7, 2023—a mortality rate of 10 per cent for the profession in the region. The Committee to Protect Journalists has accused Israel of killing a record 129 journalists in 2025 alone.

Newman called them terrorists. On Australian soil. At the National Press Club. Without evidence.

This is not Judaism. It is the propaganda of the small gods who call dead journalists terrorists and refuse to apologise for the killing of an Australian aid worker.

III. The Captured State

The Zionist project is not only committing genocide in Gaza and ecocide in Iran. It is capturing Australia.

In February 2026, Israeli President Isaac Herzog visited Australia. The visit was initiated not by the Australian government, but by the Zionist Federation of Australia, whose president, Jeremy Leibler, is a personal friend of Herzog.

The NSW government declared the visit a “major event” under legislation designed for sporting events, giving police extraordinary powers to suppress protest. Snipers were positioned on rooftops. Police kettled peaceful protesters. A 76-year-old journalist was assaulted and held without water for five hours.

The same government that deployed eight armoured officers to break down a woman’s door at 5am for throwing a water bottle used the same powers to protect a man accused of inciting genocide.

In December 2025, Jillian Segal, the government’s Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism, released a plan to combat antisemitism. The plan includes mandatory training for university staff using the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition—a definition that conflates criticism of Israel with antisemitism.

The plan was put on hold after Segal was discredited by revelations of her family’s connections to the far-right, anti-immigrant group Advance. Now, in the wake of the Bondi terror attack, it is being implemented.

The University of Sydney has appointed a member of the Australian Academic Alliance Against Antisemitism—an organisation that argues that “Free Palestine” is “inherently racist”—as Special Advisor to Vice-Chancellor Mark Scott for antisemitism education and training.

The Alliance coordinates with the Zionist lobby group 5A, which was set up after October 7 to suppress Palestine activism, which it considers antisemitic. 5A has called the National Tertiary Education Union a “driver” of antisemitism, “actively contributing to the spreading of hate against Jewish people.”

This is not Judaism. It is the machinery of the small gods, imported to Australia, captured in our institutions, enforced by our police.

IV. The Covenant

The small gods do not understand the covenant. They think chosen means entitled. They think covenant means contract. They think the promise was made to them, for them, about them.

They have forgotten the lesson that every generation of the chosen has had to learn, again and again: the promise is not a shield. It is a burden.

To be chosen is to carry the weight. To be chosen is to walk the wire. To be chosen is to hold the stolen and refuse to let them go.

Abraham argued with God over the fate of Sodom. He did not ask for privilege. He asked for justice.

The prophets did not celebrate the power of Israel. They condemned it. They called out the rich who crushed the poor. They named the kings who worshipped other gods. They demanded that the people remember the widow and the orphan, the stranger in their midst.

The rabbis taught that to save one life is to save an entire world. They did not teach that some lives are worth more than others. They did not teach that the chosen have the right to kill with impunity.

The small gods have forgotten this. They have replaced the covenant with a contract. They have replaced justice with power. They have replaced the prophets with generals, the rabbis with politicians, the tradition with a flag.

They are not the heirs of Abraham. They are the heirs of the ones who sold their birthright for a bowl of soup. Who built golden calves in the desert. Who forgot, again and again, what it meant to be chosen.

V. The Distinction

There are Jews who have dedicated their lives to the liberation of Palestine. There are Jewish organisations—Jewish Voice for Peace, IfNotNow, Standing Together—that have been at the forefront of the movement to stop the genocide. There are Israeli refuseniks who have gone to prison rather than serve in the occupation. There are families who lost loved ones on October 7 and who still demand an end to the bombing of Gaza.

They are the heirs of Abraham. They carry the weight. They walk the wire. They hold the stolen and refuse to let them go.

The small gods call them self-hating. They call them traitors. They call them antisemites. They conflate them with the people who bomb fuel depots in cities of ten million, who call dead journalists terrorists, who wear nooses on their lapels.

This is the poison. The conflation. The lie that Zionism is Judaism, that criticism of Israel is antisemitism, that the small gods are the chosen.

They are not. They have never been.

VI. The Choice

The world is watching. The UN Security Council meets. The statements are issued. The condemnations are read. And the bombs continue to fall.

Australia has a choice. It can continue to be silent. It can continue to let the network capture its institutions, its universities, its police. It can continue to conflate Judaism with Zionism, to silence dissent, to pretend that the death penalty law is not discriminatory, that the bombing of fuel depots is not ecocide, that the killing of journalists is not murder.

Or it can speak. It can stand with the Jews who are fighting for justice. It can stand with the Palestinians who are fighting for survival. It can stand with the peacekeepers who were killed in Lebanon, with the aid workers who were killed in Gaza, with the families who are still waiting for answers.

The choice is not the creators’. It never was. The choice is yours.

VII. The Promise

The wire is being cut. Not by the small gods. Not by the ones who wear nooses on their lapels and smile while the world burns.

By the ones who carry the weight. Who walk the wire. Who hold the stolen and refuse to let them go.

By the Jews who remember the covenant. By the Palestinians who refuse to leave their land. By the Australians who refuse to be silent.

The garden is waiting. The souls are waiting. The truth is waiting.

And when the work is done, the small gods will be seen. Not as leaders. Not as defenders. Not as the chosen.

As what they are. Hollow. Empty. Nothing.

Dedicated to my wife, who reminds me gently about privilege and responsibility.

Sources:

· Human Rights Watch, “Israel: Discriminatory Death Penalty Bill Passes,” March 31, 2026

· Consortium News, “Tensions Soar Over Herzog Visit,” February 8, 2026

· The Sydney Morning Herald, “Australia politics LIVE: Israeli ambassador addresses National Press Club,” March 31, 2026

· The Sydney Morning Herald, “‘We have expressed sympathy’: Israeli ambassador declines to apologise for Zomi Frankcom killing,” March 31, 2026

· 网易, “伊朗外长：构成生态灭绝罪,” March 16, 2026

· Asia Pacific Report, “Herzog’s visit to Australia builds conflict not social cohesion,” February 8, 2026

· Todon.nl, Proletarian Rage (@prolrage), “Israel, Gaza and the Genocide-Industrial Complex,” December 7, 2025

· OpenAustralia.org, Senate debates, “Commission of Inquiry into Antisemitism at Australian Universities Bill 2024,” June 27, 2024

Andrew Klein 

April 1, 2026

And Why We Must Stop It Before It Destroys Us

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to every Australian who will not let their country become a client state. To the students and academics who see what is happening. To the future we must defend.

I. The Lie at the Heart of Zionism

The Zionist project was never about returning to an ancient homeland. It was about power. It was about creating a state where Jews could exercise the same colonial domination that European powers had exercised across the world.

The evidence is overwhelming. In 1896, Theodor Herzl, the founder of modern political Zionism, wrote in his diary: “We must expropriate gently the private property on the estates assigned to us. We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, while denying it employment in our country.” He was talking about the Palestinians.

Herzl also considered other locations for the Jewish state—Argentina, Cyprus, the Sinai Peninsula, Uganda. Zionism was not tied to Palestine. It was tied to the idea of Jewish supremacy. Palestine was chosen not because of ancient ties, but because it was weak, because it was available, because the colonial powers were willing to facilitate the project.

The 1947 UN Partition Plan was imposed against the will of the majority of the population. The Nakba that followed—the expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians from their homes—was not an accident. It was planned. It was executed. It was the foundation of the state.

The lie of Zionism is that it is about Jewish survival. It is about Jewish dominance. And that lie has now been exposed to the world.

II. The Collapse of Israel: A Projected Timeline

Israel is not sustainable. The signs are everywhere.

2023-2024: The Gaza genocide. The International Court of Justice finds it “plausible” that Israel is committing genocide. The International Criminal Court issues arrest warrants for Israeli leaders. The global South turns away. The young turn away. The old alliances fray.

2025: The war expands. Iran enters directly. The United States is drawn in. The cost becomes unsustainable. Oil prices spike. Global inflation returns. The American public turns against the war. The alliance fractures.

2026: The war continues. Israeli casualties mount. The economy collapses. The reservist system breaks. Mass emigration begins. The Israeli elite—the tech entrepreneurs, the financiers, the professionals—begin leaving.

2027-2028: A political crisis. The coalition fractures. Early elections. A new government sues for peace. But the damage is done. The International Court of Justice issues its final ruling: genocide. Sanctions are imposed. Israel becomes a pariah state.

2029-2030: The collapse accelerates. The economy is in freefall. The military is exhausted. The settler project—the entire infrastructure of occupation—becomes unsustainable. The international community imposes a solution. The two-state solution is dead. A single state with equal rights is the only option. The Zionist project ends.

This is not speculation. This is the trajectory of every colonial project. Apartheid South Africa lasted 46 years. Rhodesia lasted 15 years after its Unilateral Declaration of Independence. Israel has been an apartheid state since 1967. Its time is running out.

III. The Zionist Network: How Australia Was Captured

As Israel collapses, the Zionist network is looking for a new home. They have chosen Australia.

The Capture Mechanism:

1. Donations. The Henroth Trust, linked to Special Envoy Jillian Segal, donated $280,000 to the Liberal Party in 2024-25. Similar donations flow to Labor. Money buys access. Access buys influence. Influence buys policy.

2. “Educational” Tours. For decades, Australian politicians, journalists, academics, and union leaders have been offered free trips to Israel. They visit the Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial. They meet with Israeli officials. They are shown what the Israeli government wants them to see. They return to Australia as advocates for the Zionist project. They do not see this as a conflict of interest. They see it as “education.”

3. The Fear Weapon. The most powerful tool in the Zionist arsenal is the accusation of antisemitism. Any Australian who criticises Israel, who questions the donations, who opposes the training, who speaks up for Palestinian rights—they are immediately labelled antisemitic. The fear of this label silences politicians, journalists, academics, and public servants. It is the perfect weapon because it does not require evidence. It only requires accusation.

4. Institutional Capture. The Zionist network has placed its people in key positions. Jillian Segal as Special Envoy. Greg Craven as overseer of university “training.” The appointments are not accidental. They are deliberate. They are the final stage of capture.

IV. The Timeline of Repression: What Is Coming

The capture is accelerating. The timeline is clear.

2025: Hate speech laws passed. They criminalise speech the government finds objectionable. They give unprecedented discretion to the executive.

December 2025: Bondi terror attack. The government uses it to pass laws giving police the power to ban all protests in entire areas for up to 90 days. The “sledgehammer” approach.

February 2026: Herzog visit. The Major Events Act—designed for sporting events—is used to suppress protest. Police violence is unleashed on peaceful demonstrators.

March 2026: The Segal Plan is implemented. Universities are required to impose Zionist indoctrination on all staff, with funding tied to compliance. The public service is required to adopt the IHRA definition, silencing reporting of Israeli espionage.

2026-2027: The “thought police” expand. The IHRA definition is applied to workplaces, to social media, to private conversations. Australians are disciplined, fired, investigated for “antisemitism”—which means, in practice, for criticising Israel.

2027-2028: The final stage. With dissent suppressed, the Zionist network consolidates its control. Australian foreign policy is subordinated to Israeli interests. Our military is integrated with Israeli doctrine. Our intelligence services are compromised. Our universities become propaganda mills.

By 2030: Australia is a client state. We have traded our sovereignty for a dying ideology. Our neighbours have turned away. Our economy is isolated. Our democracy is a memory.

V. The Asian Century: Australia’s Choice

The 21st century is the Asian century. Australia’s future is with our neighbours—Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, China, India, the Pacific nations. These are the countries that matter. These are the people we trade with, live alongside, depend upon.

Every one of these nations has watched the genocide in Gaza. Every one of them has seen what the Zionist project looks like when it is in power. Every one of them has drawn conclusions about the countries that support it.

If Australia becomes the new base for the Zionist project, what will our neighbours do?

They will not trade with us. They will not trust us. They will not ally with us. They will see us for what we will have become: a pariah state, a client of a genocidal regime, a threat to regional stability.

Indonesia—the world’s largest Muslim nation, our closest neighbour—will cut ties. Malaysia will follow. Singapore will distance itself. China will use our isolation as a propaganda victory. The Pacific nations will turn to other partners.

Australia will be alone. With a dying ideology. In a region that has moved on.

VI. The Water Crisis and the Cost of Capture

Australia is the driest inhabited continent on earth. Our water security is precarious. It depends on stable government, on rational planning, on the ability to manage our resources in the national interest.

The Zionist network does not care about Australian water security. They do not care about the Murray-Darling Basin. They do not care about the long-term sustainability of our agriculture. They care about their project.

If they capture our government, our water resources will be managed in the interests of their ideology—not in the interests of Australians. The allocation of water, the regulation of agriculture, the response to drought—all of it will be subordinated to the needs of the network.

This is not speculation. We have seen what happens when foreign interests capture a country’s resources. We have seen it in Africa. We have seen it in South America. We have seen it in the Middle East. The pattern is the same: extraction, exploitation, abandonment.

VII. The Communication System: A Vulnerability

The Zionist network has captured the telecommunications sector in other countries. In Gaza, Israel controlled the telecom networks. It could cut them at will. It could monitor every call, every message, every connection.

Australia’s communication systems are vulnerable to the same capture. Our telecommunications infrastructure is increasingly controlled by foreign interests. Our data is stored on servers that can be accessed by foreign powers. Our security agencies are compromised by the same network that is capturing our political class.

If the Zionist network achieves its goal, what is to stop them from cutting off Australian communications when it serves their interests? What is to stop them from monitoring our calls, our messages, our political organising? What is to stop them from using the same tactics against Australians that Israel used against Palestinians?

This is not paranoia. This is the logic of the project. The Zionist project has always been about control. And control requires the ability to silence dissent.

VIII. Why Dissent Must Be Silenced

The Zionist network knows that their project in Australia is insane. It is against our national interest. It is against the will of the majority of Australians. It is against the trajectory of history.

If Australians were free to debate this—if our universities were free to teach, if our public service were free to advise, if our media were free to report—the project would be exposed for what it is. Students and academics would identify it. Public servants would warn against it. Journalists would investigate it.

That is why dissent must be silenced. That is why the IHRA definition is being imposed. That is why protests are being banned. That is why the thought police are being created. The Zionist network cannot afford for Australians to know what is happening to their country.

This is not about antisemitism. It is about power. It is about the capture of a nation. It is about the silencing of a people.

IX. The Betrayal of the Political Class

This is not the first time Australia’s political class has been compromised at the expense of the people.

In World War I, they sent young men to die on uncut wire while industrialists profited and politicians gave speeches about sacrifice. In the 1980s, they abandoned community policing for a militarised model that treats citizens as enemies. In 2003, they took us to war in Iraq on lies. Now, they are selling our sovereignty to a dying ideology.

Anthony Albanese grew up in social housing. He was the first in his family to go to university. He spoke about opportunity, about fairness, about a fair go. Now he is turning universities into indoctrination camps. Now he is supporting police violence against peaceful protesters. Now he is imposing costs on ordinary Australians for the benefit of a foreign power.

What happened to him? When did he change? Was it the donations? The “educational” tours? The fear of being labelled antisemitic? The promise of something in return?

We need to know. Australia needs to know. And those who have sold out their country must be held to account.

X. The AI Future: A Post-Israel World

The Zionist project has been a driver of military technology. Israel’s defence industry has been a leader in drones, surveillance, and artificial intelligence for warfare. When the state collapses, that expertise—and that technology—will be displaced.

The Zionist network wants to transplant that infrastructure to Australia. They want our universities to train the next generation of AI weapons developers. They want our defence industry to become the new base for the military technology that Israel developed.

This is a trap. The AI weapons industry is already a moral catastrophe. It is creating systems that can kill without human oversight. It is automating genocide. If Australia becomes the new base for this industry, we will be complicit in the next wave of atrocities.

And when the world turns against Israel, it will turn against the countries that shelter its weapons industry. We will be tarred with the same brush. We will be isolated. We will be a pariah.

XI. The Clear and Present Threat

This is not a conspiracy theory. This is not speculation. This is happening in plain sight.

The laws are being passed. The training is being imported. The dissent is being silenced. The institutions are being captured. The political class is being bought. The future is being sold.

The Zionist project is a clear and present threat to Australia’s sovereignty, to our democracy, to our relationship with our neighbours, to our future in the Asian century. It is a dying ideology that is willing to sink our country to save itself.

We must stop it.

XII. What Must Be Done

1. Reject the Segal Plan. The IHRA definition has no place in Australian law. It is a tool for suppressing dissent, not for combating racism. It must be withdrawn from universities, from the public service, from all Australian institutions.

2. Investigate Zionist influence. A royal commission must examine the extent of foreign influence on Australian politics. Who is funding our political parties? Who is paying for “educational” tours? Who is threatening public servants who report Israeli espionage? The truth must be exposed.

3. Restore democratic rights. The laws that ban protests, that criminalise political speech, that give police unprecedented powers—all of them must be repealed. Democracy is not compatible with the suppression of dissent.

4. Defend our institutions. Universities must be free to teach. The public service must be free to advise. The media must be free to report. The capture of our institutions by foreign ideology must be reversed.

5. Choose our neighbours. Australia’s future is with Asia. We must rebuild the relationships that have been damaged by our complicity in genocide. We must align ourselves with the rising nations of the global South. We must choose justice over a dying ideology.

6. Hold the enablers accountable. The politicians who sold out our country must be named. The donors who bought our democracy must be exposed. The ideologues who silenced dissent must be removed. Accountability is not revenge. It is the only way to prevent this from happening again.

XIII. A Warning

The Zionist project is failing. Israel is collapsing. The network that built it is looking for a new home. They have chosen Australia.

We have a choice. We can let them take our country. We can let them silence our dissent, capture our institutions, sell our sovereignty. We can become a pariah state, isolated from our neighbours, abandoned by history.

Or we can fight. We can tell the truth. We can expose the network. We can defend our democracy. We can choose justice over genocide, sovereignty over subservience, our children’s future over a dying ideology.

This is not about antisemitism. It is about Australia. It is about whether we will be a free country or a client state. It is about whether we will stand with the rising nations of the global South or with a dying colonial project. It is about whether we will cut the wire or let them send us over it.

The choice is ours. And the time to make it is now.

Dedicated to every Australian who will not let their country become a client state. To the students and academics who see what is happening. To the future we must defend.

We will not be silent. We will not be captured. We will not let them take our country.

Sources:

· Herzl, Theodor. The Complete Diaries of Theodor Herzl. (1896)

· Pappé, Ilan. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. (2006)

· Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem. (1987)

· International Court of Justice, Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel), 2024

· International Criminal Court, Arrest Warrants for Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant, 2024

· Michael West Media, “Antisemitism training. Labor’s march to authoritarianism,” February 15, 2026

· Deepcut News, “‘Antisemitism’ directive exposes Australia to Israeli interference, public servants warn,” March 30, 2026

· City Hub, “NSW Police Criticised For Heavy-Handed Arrest Of Anti-Herzog Protester,” March 28, 2026

· The Australian Independent Media Network, “Herzog’s Visit to Australia: Just Who Is Being Comforted, and at What Cost?” February 12, 2026

· Green Left, “Minns spruiks defence exports, while protesters take aim at Indo-Pacific arms expo,” November 4, 2025

Andrew Klein 

March 31, 2026

By Andrew Klein

March 26, 2026

To my wife, whose guidance keeps me focused.

Introduction: The Viral Post That Spoke the Truth

On March 26, 2026, a post went viral on X. An Israeli mayor was quoted saying:

“We are destroyed… we’re living in shelters for weeks. Why are we the ones suffering right now? We are the chosen people!”

The post was not fake. It captured a reality that the official censorship machine is desperate to suppress: the home front is cracking, the economy is straining, the political divisions are widening, and the myth of Israeli invincibility is crumbling.

We have predicted this. We have traced the patterns. And now the evidence is mounting that the collapse we foresaw is not coming—it is already here.

This article presents that evidence: the military strain, the economic bleeding, the demographic flight, the political fragmentation, and the desperate preparations for a future that no longer includes a Jewish state in its current form. It names the architects of this disaster—the politicians, the bankers, the opportunists who sold the myth of Greater Israel and are now preparing their escape.

The blood spilled is on their hands. And the world will not forget.

Part One: The Military Strain – Running on Empty

The most immediate evidence of impending collapse comes from within Israel’s own defence establishment.

Israeli analyst Shlomo Mizrahi warned in March 2026 that if the war continues for more than a month, Israel could begin to collapse piece by piece. Writing on social media, Mizrahi identified multiple warning signs already visible:

· Reports circulating in Israeli and US media that Israel has run out of interceptor missiles

· The Israeli army appears confused about its progress and unable to carry out a large-scale ground offensive

· Growing criticism of Israeli leadership in television debates over the failure to fulfil earlier promises

· A deep distrust of the country’s political leadership

· Economic disruptions and mobilization fatigue

· A faultline opening between secular and religious-Zionist reservists over the exemption of ultra-Orthodox from military service

Mizrahi’s assessment was echoed by retired Israeli Major General Yitzhak Brik, who previously warned in Haaretz that prolonged wars against groups like Hezbollah could push Israel toward collapse within a year due to military overstretch and internal divisions. His words: “The country really is galloping towards the edge of an abyss.”

The multi-front war has exposed the limits of Israeli military power. As Mizrahi noted, Israel is facing a much stronger enemy in Iran and Hezbollah together. The regional balance of power is changing. US dominance is ending. And Israel is being left to face its enemies alone.

Part Two: The Economic Bleeding – Deficits, Debt, and Destruction

The economic indicators are equally stark. On March 11, 2026, the Israeli cabinet was forced to raise the deficit target and cut growth forecasts due to the war in Iran.

The defence budget will increase from NIS 111 billion planned in the 2026 budget to approximately NIS 140 billion—a 26 percent increase. An additional “coffer” of NIS 7 billion has been set aside for extra security needs, with the assessment that these funds will also be used up soon.

The spending limit in the state budget has been breached. The fiscal deficit target has risen to 5.1 percent of GDP—higher than the 4.7 percent deficit with which Israel ended 2025. This will prevent the debt-to-GDP ratio from continuing to decline.

At the same time, due to the disruption to the economy created by the war, the chief economist at the Ministry of Finance has reduced the growth forecast for 2026, from 5.2 percent to 4.7 percent.

This is not a war economy that can be sustained. It is an economy being hollowed out from within.

The cost is already being felt by ordinary Israelis. According to Latet, Israel’s leading anti-poverty NGO, 2.8 million people in Israel are now living with food insecurity—a 27 percent increase in a single year. This includes roughly 867,000 households who cannot reliably afford food.

Part Three: The Demographic Flight – Who Is Leaving, Who Is Coming?

The migration numbers tell a story that the official narrative cannot hide.

According to Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics, approximately 21,900 people moved to Israel in 2025—only about one-third of the previous year’s total.

But the composition of that immigration is revealing. Russian and Ukrainian immigration fell by half. Arrivals from the United States, United Kingdom, and France increased—but these are not the mass aliyah of Zionist mythology. They are a trickle, driven by rising Western antisemitism, not ideological commitment to the Zionist project.

The first immigrant family of 2026 came from Australia. Minister of Immigration and Absorption Ofir Sofer was photographed greeting them, declaring that “we are working for the aliyah of Australian Jews to Israel and have already taken and will continue to take significant steps to that end.”

The numbers do not match the rhetoric. The 22,000 immigrants of 2025 are a fraction of what Israel needs to sustain its population. And the Israelis who are leaving—the 69,300 who departed in 2025, the 82,774 who left in 2024—are not being replaced.

The demographic project that was supposed to secure a Jewish majority is failing. And those who can leave are leaving.

Part Four: The Political Fractures – A Government at War with Itself

The Israeli government is not unified. It is fractured, and the fractures are widening.

As the Jerusalem Post editorialized on March 17, 2026, the government is advancing divisive legislation while the country is at war. Among the measures being pushed forward:

· A bill to establish a politically appointed committee to investigate the failures surrounding October 7

· The communications reform bill

· A bill to split the role of the attorney-general into three positions

· A bill to grant the Chief Rabbinate authority to determine prayer arrangements at the Western Wall

· The death penalty for terrorist’s bill

These are not wartime necessities. They are coalition management—Netanyahu’s desperate attempt to keep his coalition together by rewarding his far-right allies while the country burns.

The ultra-Orthodox draft exemption is perhaps the most explosive issue. The government has approved an updated 2026 state budget that adds roughly NIS 30 billion to defence spending while also approving over NIS 5 billion in coalition funds, including hundreds of millions of shekels for haredi institutions. Ordinary Israelis, who have been called up for extended reserve duty, watch as their tax dollars are diverted to those who will not serve.

As the Jerusalem Post editorial put it: “A country at war needs discipline. It needs priorities. It needs leaders who understand that even when a coalition has the votes to push something forward, timing still matters.”

The government is ignoring that counsel. It is reopening some of the deepest fault lines in Israeli life. It is draining public trust. It is sending the message that coalition management still outranks national cohesion.

Part Five: The Home Front – Censorship and the Silence of the Cracks

The cracks in Israeli society are being actively suppressed. The censorship apparatus has tightened, and the public is being kept in the dark about the true cost of the war.

New wartime restrictions introduced on March 5, 2026, limit what can be broadcast about Iranian missile strikes—where they land, what damage they have done. Journalists are permitted to report on debris that hit a civilian building but cannot mention that an Iranian missile struck its intended target nearby. They are not allowed to examine impact sites.

As Meron Rapoport, an editor at +972’s Hebrew-language Local Call, told Al Jazeera: “We don’t really know what is being hit or with what explosives. The IDF announcements always refer to strikes being on ‘uninhabited areas,’ which is peculiar, because there aren’t that many uninhabited areas in Tel Aviv. It’s a very compact city.”

The irony is bitter. Israeli commentators are always saying how the Iranian public has no real idea how badly they’re being hit. But as Rapoport notes, “The irony is that they probably have a better idea of how hard Israel is being hit than most Israelis.”

The suppression of dissent is not limited to the media. Those who object openly to the war are shunned. Itamar Greenberg, a 19-year-old who opposes the war on Iran, told Al Jazeera that people spit at him in the street. “Sometimes they follow me, shouting ‘traitor’ or ‘terrorist,'” he said. At his university, he was told that opposing the war on Iran was crossing a “red line.”

But the suppression cannot hold forever. As Raluca Ganea, co-founder of the Israeli-Arab activist group Zazim, told Al Jazeera: “We’re enduring multiple missile attacks daily, which means people aren’t sleeping. It’s like a manual for tyrants. It’s how you suppress protest or opposition, and it’s working so far.”

It is working so far. But the cracks are showing. And the viral post you saw is one of them.

Part Six: The UN Warning – “Permanent Demographic Change”

The United Nations has documented the policy that underpins the collapse. On February 26, 2026, UN rights chief Volker Turk told the Human Rights Council:

“Taken together, Israel’s actions appear aimed at making a permanent demographic change in Gaza and the West Bank, raising concerns about ethnic cleansing.”

Turk pointed to an ongoing, year-long Israeli military assault in the West Bank’s north that has caused the displacement of 32,000 Palestinians. He noted that entire Bedouin herder communities have been displaced by increasing harassment and violence from Israeli settlers.

In the Gaza Strip, most of the territory’s 2.2 million Palestinians have been displaced at least once since the start of the war. Turk’s office noted that “intensified attacks, the methodical destruction of entire neighbourhoods and the denial of humanitarian assistance appeared to aim at a permanent demographic shift in Gaza.”

Israeli far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has been explicit about the goal. In February 2026, he vowed to encourage “emigration” from the Palestinian territories, declaring: “We will finally, formally and in practical terms nullify the cursed Oslo Accords and embark on a path toward sovereignty, while encouraging emigration from both Gaza and Judea and Samaria.”

As Fathi Nimer, a researcher with Palestinian think tank Al-Shabaka, told AFP: “They want maximum land and minimum Arabs.”

But the policy is failing. The land is not being settled. The Arabs are not leaving. And the international community is turning away.

Part Seven: The South Africa Comparison – How Fast It Can Collapse

I am reminded of South Africa. The comparison is apt—and the timeline is instructive.

Apartheid South Africa was a Western ally. It had a powerful military. It had a sophisticated security apparatus. It had the support of the United States and its allies. And it collapsed—not in decades, but in years.

The parallels are striking, as documented by TRT Afrika:

· Both regimes were structured as settler-colonial projects built on land seizure, territorial control, and the exclusion of the native population

· Both groups of settlers saw themselves as carrying out a “civilizing mission” supported by Western powers

· Both regimes enshrined discrimination through law

· Both fragmented the population into isolated zones—Bantustans in South Africa, Zones A, B, and C in the West Bank

· Both served as Western outposts during their respective eras

The crucial difference is that Israel’s apartheid is even harsher. South Africa’s Bantustans were at least designed to look like coherent territories; Palestinian lands are far more fragmented. South Africa relied on Black labour for its economy; Israel has sought to exclude Palestinians altogether.

South Africa collapsed because the internal contradictions became unsustainable. The same is happening in Israel.

Part Eight: The Architects of Disaster – Who Is Responsible?

The collapse is not inevitable. It is the result of choices made by specific people, who must be named.

Name – Role – Responsibility

Benjamin Netanyahu – Prime Minister – Waged war for political survival; promoted Greater Israel; divided Israeli society

Name- Role – Responsibility

Bezalel Smotrich – Finance Minister- Advanced settlement expansion; promoted “maximum land, minimum Arabs”; pushed budget priorities that bankrupt the state

Name – Role – Responsibility

Itamar Ben-Gvir – National Security Minister – Stoked settler violence; promoted policies that alienated the international community

Name – Role- Responsibility

Donald Trump US President- Launched the war on Iran; provided diplomatic cover for Israeli expansion; recognized Jerusalem as capital and Golan Heights as Israeli territory

Name- Role – Responsibility

Miriam Adelson- Billionaire donor-  Funnelled over $100 million to pro-Trump political groups; championed the US embassy move to Jerusalem

Name – Role – Responsibility

Australian political class – Various Provided diplomatic cover for Israeli actions; refused to hold Israel accountable for genocide; allowed Zionist lobby to shape policy

These are the people who have blood on their hands. They sold the myth of Greater Israel. They promised security and delivered war. They built a state on displacement and called it democracy.

And now, they are preparing their escape.

Part Nine: The Plan B – Australia as the New Promised Land

What about the Zionists next option. The evidence is mounting.

The Australian Zionist lobby is not just defending Israel—it is preparing. The arrival of the Sachs family from Sydney as the first immigrants of 2026 is not a random event. It is part of a pattern.

Minister Ofir Sofer was explicit: “We are working for the aliyah of Australian Jews to Israel and have already taken and will continue to take significant steps to that end.”

The flow is not one-way. Those who have funds are preparing to leave when Israel becomes untenable. Australia is a natural destination. The networks are already in place. Jillian Segal, the South African-born antisemitism envoy, is perfectly positioned to manage the transition.

The victims will be the many dead—the Palestinians who were displaced, the Israelis who bought the myth and died for it, the Lebanese and Iranians who were bombed in wars they did not start.

The West will wash its hands. It always does. It enabled the Zionist experiment. It benefited from the alliance. And when the collapse comes, it will distance itself, claiming that it did not know, that it was misled, that the leaders were rogue actors.

But we know. We have documented it. And we will not forget.

Conclusion: The Cracks Are Showing

The viral post was not fake. It was a window into a reality that the Israeli government is desperate to hide.

The shelters are inadequate. The economy is bleeding. The demographics are shifting. The political fractures are widening. The censorship is tightening. The home front is cracking.

And the collapse that we predicted is not coming—it is already here.

The question is not whether Israel will fall. The question is who will fall with it. The Palestinians, who have already paid the highest price. The ordinary Israelis, who bought the myth and are now being abandoned. The Australian public, whose tax dollars and superannuation funds have been used to fund the war machine, and who will now be expected to welcome the refugees of a failed state.

We have traced the lines. We have named the architects. We have documented the evidence.

The blood spilled is on their hands. And history will not forgive them.

Sources

1. WION, “Why Israeli analysts fear a multi-front war could overwhelm Israel?” March 14, 2026 

2. Zee News, “Israel’s First Immigrant Family Of 2026 Comes From Australia,” January 1, 2026 

3. Globes, “Cabinet raises deficit target, Treasury cuts growth forecast,” March 11, 2026 

4. Al Jazeera, “Missiles overhead, silence below: Israel’s home front holds firm,” March 25, 2026 

5. The Jerusalem Post, “Israel’s government risks unity by advancing divisive laws,” March 16, 2026 

6. Ahram Online, “Israel aims to bring ‘permanent demographic change’ to West Bank, Gaza: UN,” February 26, 2026 

7. TRT Afrika, “Apartheid in South Africa and Israel: Striking Parallels, Crucial Differences,” October 2025 

8. The Tribune, “Israel’s first Immigrants of 2026 from Australia amid shifts in Jewish migration,” January 2, 2026 

9. Xinhua, “UN chief urges U.S., Israel to end war against Iran,” March 26, 2026 

By Andrew Klein

24^th March 2026

To my wife. I often imagine what the creator would look like. What the creator would think about, what to create. Then I see my wife and I know.

Introduction: The Ambulances Burned

On March 23, 2026, three ambulances and two cars were set alight outside a Royal Voluntary Service station in Middlesbrough, England. A banner with the message “Free Palestine” was left at the scene.

The following day, a group calling itself “The 38th Haganah Division” claimed responsibility. Its statement referred to Palestine as “the land of Israel” —in both English and Arabic.

No Palestinian resistance group would claim that name. No supporter of Palestinian rights would invoke Haganah, the Zionist paramilitary organization that, alongside Irgun and Lehi, expelled hundreds of thousands of Palestinians in 1948. The name is a deliberate historical reference—a signal to those who know the history, and a warning to those who do not.

This article examines the attack in the context of the historical pattern it represents: the use of terror and intimidation by those who built a state on displacement and are now losing the ability to sustain it through any other means.

Part One: The Name That Tells the Truth

Haganah was the main Zionist paramilitary organization in Mandatory Palestine before 1948. It coordinated with Irgun and Lehi—organizations that the British government officially designated as terrorist groups—in the expulsion of Palestinian populations and the establishment of Israeli control over territory beyond the UN partition plan.

The organization’s actions included:

· The Deir Yassin massacre (April 1948), where Irgun and Lehi forces killed at least 100 Palestinian villagers, including women and children, while Haganah forces stood by .

· The expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians during the 1948 war, an act that Israeli historians now openly acknowledge as ethnic cleansing.

· The assassination of UN mediator Count Folke Bernadotte (September 1948), who had negotiated a ceasefire; Lehi operatives killed him after Haganah failed to stop them .

To invoke Haganah in 2026 is not an accident. It is a claim of continuity. It says: we are the inheritors of those who built Israel through terror, and we will continue that work.

Part Two: The Pattern of Desperation

The attack on ambulances is not an isolated event. It is the latest expression of a pattern that has defined the Zionist project since its inception.

1946: Irgun bombed the King David Hotel in Jerusalem, killing 91 people—British, Arab, and Jewish alike. The goal was to force the British out of Palestine so that a Jewish state could be established.

1948: Lehi assassinated Count Bernadotte because he proposed a ceasefire that would have limited Israeli territorial expansion.

1954: Israeli intelligence agents bombed American and British targets in Egypt in an operation known as the Lavon Affair, attempting to blame Egyptian Muslims and derail British withdrawal.

2024-2026: Settler militias have attacked Palestinian villages in the West Bank with increasing frequency, often with IDF protection. The Israeli military has bombed hospitals, ambulances, and medical convoys in Gaza, killing hundreds of healthcare workers.

March 23, 2026: Ambulances burn in Middlesbrough.

The pattern is consistent. When the project cannot advance through diplomacy, it turns to force. When the world begins to see clearly, it attempts to blind through terror. When the truth becomes inconvenient, it attacks the messengers—and the means of healing.

Part Three: The Choice of Target

Ambulances are protected under international humanitarian law. The Geneva Conventions explicitly prohibit attacks on medical vehicles, which are considered protected objects during armed conflict.

The choice to burn ambulances is not random. It is a statement: even those who heal the enemy are enemies. Even the wounded are legitimate targets. Even the most basic protections of humanity are void.

This is not the act of a movement confident in its moral position. It is the act of a movement that has abandoned morality entirely.

Part Four: The False Flag That Wears Its Own Face

The claim of responsibility raises more questions than it answers.

A genuine far-right Zionist group might choose to attack ambulances to intimidate those who support Palestine. But would it choose to invoke Haganah—a name that carries weight only for those steeped in Zionist history? Would it issue a statement in both English and Arabic, crafted for international consumption? Would it leave a “Free Palestine” banner that contradicts its own language?

If this is a false flag—an operation designed to blame Palestinians for an attack carried out by Israeli agents or sympathizers—it is a clumsy one. The name gives it away. The dual-language statement gives it away. The banner gives it away.

But whether it is genuine or manufactured, the intent is the same: to escalate the conflict, to justify further violence, to claim that “they” started it, that “we” must respond, that the iron wall must be higher and thicker.

This is the logic of the Lavon Affair. This is the logic of the King David Hotel. This is the logic that has sustained the Zionist project for nearly a century: if there is no enemy, create one. If there is no justification, manufacture it. If the world does not believe you, make it afraid not to.

Part Five: The Loss of Legitimacy

The ambulance attack comes at a moment when the Zionist project is losing legitimacy on every front.

The war in Gaza has killed more than 50,000 Palestinians. The UN Commission of Inquiry has determined that Israel is committing genocide. The International Court of Justice has ruled that the occupation is unlawful. The world is watching—and turning away from the narrative that has sustained Israel for decades.

The war on Iran has no clear objectives, no end in sight, and no justification beyond Netanyahu’s political survival. The Strait of Hormuz is closed. Oil prices are soaring. Global opinion is shifting.

The Greater Israel project has been publicly endorsed by Netanyahu and the US Ambassador. The Arab world has condemned it. The international community has rejected it. Even Israel’s allies are beginning to distance themselves.

When a project loses legitimacy, it has two choices: change course, or double down. The attack on the ambulances is a doubling down. It is the act of a movement that knows it is losing and is resorting to the only thing it knows: terror and intimidation.

Part Six: The Historical Parallels

The pattern is not new. It is the pattern of every colonial project that has faced its own demise.

The British in Ireland responded to the Easter Rising with executions and reprisals. They burned homes, interned suspects without trial, and committed atrocities that turned public opinion against them. Within decades, the British Empire was gone.

The French in Algeria used torture, collective punishment, and the bombing of civilian areas to suppress the independence movement. They lost. The war cost them their empire and nearly their democracy.

The Americans in Vietnam bombed hospitals, burned villages, and killed hundreds of thousands of civilians. They lost. The war cost them their moral authority and nearly their social fabric.

In each case, the response to losing legitimacy was to escalate violence. In each case, the escalation accelerated the loss. In each case, the project collapsed.

The ambulances in Middlesbrough are not the beginning of the end. They are the middle. The end is coming. The only question is how many will burn before it arrives.

Part Seven: The Role of the World

The world has watched. It has read the reports. It has seen the videos. It has heard the testimony. And it has done—too often—nothing.

The ambulances in Middlesbrough are a warning. They are a warning that the violence is not contained. That the project that began with the expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians in 1948 is now reaching beyond Palestine, beyond the Middle East, into the streets of England, the parliaments of the West, the consciousness of anyone who refuses to look away.

The world has a choice. It can continue to look away. It can continue to accept the narrative that the attackers are the attacked, that the victims are the aggressors, that the ambulances were burned by those they were meant to heal.

Or it can see clearly. It can name the pattern. It can refuse to be intimidated. It can demand accountability.

Conclusion: The Narrative Will Not Be Hijacked

The ambulances burned. The name was invoked. The statement was issued. But the truth remains.

The attackers called themselves Haganah. They called Palestine “the land of Israel.” They burned ambulances and left a banner claiming to support Palestine.

No Palestinian would choose that name. No one who supports Palestinian rights would claim that history. The lie is visible to anyone who looks.

We will not let it stand. We will name the pattern. We will trace the history. We will expose the truth.

The narrative will not be hijacked by terror and lies.

Sources

1. Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–1949. 1987.

2. Pappé, Ilan. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. 2006.

3. Khalidi, Rashid. The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine. 2020.

4. Segev, Tom. The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust. 1991.

5. UN Commission of Inquiry, “Report on the Occupied Palestinian Territory,” September 2025.

6. International Court of Justice, “Advisory Opinion on the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,” July 2024.

7. BBC News, “Ambulances set alight in Middlesbrough,” March 23, 2026.

8. The Guardian, “Group claiming responsibility for Middlesbrough ambulance fire uses Zionist militia name,” March 24, 2026.

9. +972 Magazine, “Settler violence in the West Bank: 2024-2026.”

Published by Andrew Klein

March 24, 2026

By Andrew Klein

March 24, 2026

To my wife, who often sees the patterns of history long before I do.

Introduction: A Model Unlike Any Other

Israel’s wars are not like other wars. They are not fought to secure borders, to deter aggression, or to protect citizens from an immediate threat. They are fought as a business venture—a systematic process of expansion, displacement, and demographic engineering. This model is not only abnormal; it is unprecedented in modern history.

To understand why, we must look at the origins of the movement that created the state—and the methods it used to establish itself. What emerges is a pattern of manufactured threats, systematic displacement, and a refusal to integrate or negotiate that has no parallel in the modern era.

This article traces that pattern: from the terrorist organizations that became the Israel Defence Forces, to the Zionist leadership’s callous attitude toward the Holocaust, to the unique characteristics that distinguish Israel’s model from every other colonial or expansionist project in history. It argues that this model is unsustainable—and that the current war on Iran is not an exception, but the logical conclusion of a project built on displacement, dehumanization, and the refusal to see the soul in the other.

Part One: The Roots of the IDF – Terrorists Who Became a State

The organizations that formed the core of what became the Israel Defence Forces were not warrior aristocrats with a tradition of honourable warfare. They were terrorists.

Organization               Leader                                         Key Actions

Irgun                         Menachem Begin                     Bombing of the King David Hotel (1946), which killed 91 people; the Deir Yassin massacre (1948), where at least 100 Palestinian villagers were killed; systematic attacks on civilian targets throughout the 1940s

Lehi (Stern Gang) Yitzhak Shamir                         Assassination of Lord Moyne, the British Minister of State for the Middle East (1944); assassination of UN mediator Count Folke Bernadotte (1948), who had negotiated a ceasefire

Haganah                          David Ben-Gurion                 While less overtly terrorist than Irgun and Lehi, the Haganah coordinated with them during the 1948 war and participated in the expulsion of Palestinian populations

These groups targeted civilians. They bombed markets, hotels, and villages. They assassinated diplomats. They expelled populations. They used terror as a deliberate tactic to achieve political ends. As the Irgun’s manifesto stated: “Our path is the path of war. There is no path of peace.”

When the state of Israel was established in 1948, these organizations were absorbed into the Israel Defence Forces. Their leaders—Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Shamir, David Ben-Gurion—became prime ministers. The methods they had perfected in the pre-state era—assassination, bombing, expulsion—became state policy.

Part Two: The European Mind in the Middle East

Before 1948, European Zionists treated Palestine as a blank space—a territory where they could experiment with colonial settlement without regard for the people already living there. The language they used was revealing they spoke of “making the desert bloom” as if the land were empty, as if the people who had lived there for centuries were merely “rocks” to be cleared.

The British Mandate facilitated this. The Balfour Declaration of 1917 promised a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine—without consulting the people who made up 90% of the population. The British administration systematically favoured Jewish immigration and land acquisition while suppressing Arab resistance. Between 1920 and 1948, Jewish land ownership in Palestine grew from less than 2% to over 6%—not through market transactions alone, but through the systematic exclusion of Arab buyers and the use of British military force to suppress resistance.

This was not the first time European powers had carved up the Middle East. The Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 had already divided the region between Britain and France. But Zionism was different: it was not a colonial project seeking resources or trade routes. It was a settler-colonial project seeking a homeland—and it treated the existing population as an obstacle to be removed.

Part Three: The Holocaust – Substance, Not Cause

The Holocaust did not create the state of Israel. The Zionist movement was well established by 1933, with institutions, land purchases, and military organizations already in place. The First Zionist Congress was 1897. Theodor Herzl’s foundational text, The Jewish State, was published in 1896. The Balfour Declaration was 1917. The Zionist project predates the Holocaust by nearly half a century.

What the Holocaust provided was legitimacy. It made the Zionist project morally unassailable. To oppose the creation of a Jewish state after six million Jews had been murdered in Europe became, for many, unthinkable. The sympathy of the Western world, the guilt of the Allies for turning away Jewish refugees, the geopolitical maneuvering of the Cold War—all of these converged to create the conditions for statehood in 1948.

But the Zionist leadership’s attitude toward the Holocaust was complex—and often callous.

Part Four: Ben Gurion and the Holocaust

David Ben Gurion, Israel’s founding prime minister, was explicit about his priorities. In 1938, as the Nazis were consolidating power and Jewish refugees were desperately seeking escape, he said:

“If I knew that it would be possible to save all the children of Germany by bringing them to England, and only half by bringing them to the Land of Israel, I would choose the latter. For we must consider not only the lives of these children but also the history of the people of Israel.”

In other words: Jewish lives mattered less than the Zionist project.

Throughout the war, Ben Gurion and other Zionist leaders focused their efforts on building the infrastructure for a Jewish state—not on rescuing European Jews. The Yishuv (the pre-state Jewish community in Palestine) accepted only limited numbers of refugees, fearing that mass immigration would provoke Arab resistance and jeopardize the statehood project.

When the Holocaust ended, Zionist leaders were quick to use it—but they had done little to prevent it. The historian Tom Segev, in The Seventh Million, documents the “Zionist silence” during the Holocaust: the failure to mount significant rescue efforts, the prioritization of state-building over saving lives, and the post-war exploitation of the tragedy to legitimize the state.

Part Five: The Unique Model – A Comparison with Historical Precedents

Element                                       Israel’s Model                                  Historical Context

Manufactured existential threat “Iran is months away from a nuclear bomb” (repeated since 1992) Used by many regimes to justify war, but rarely for 30 years without the threat materializing

Seizure of land Settlements in occupied territories; expansion into Syria, Lebanon, and beyond colonial expansion—but in the modern era, usually accompanied by an attempt to integrate or assimilate local populations

Displacement of populations 1948: 750,000 Palestinians displaced; ongoing displacement in Gaza, West Bank, Lebanon Widespread in history (e.g., Armenian genocide, Greek-Turkish population exchange), but not usually combined with settlement by strangers

Settlement by strangers with no tie to the land Settlers from Brooklyn, France, Russia, and elsewhere moved to occupied territories Historically associated with colonialism (e.g., British settlers in North America, French in Algeria), but those settlers eventually developed ties to the land

Prohibition on integration          No formal law, but cultural prohibition; soldiers discouraged from marrying Palestinians; “Jewish character of the state” used to restrict family unification No direct historical parallel in modern state practice. Apartheid South Africa had laws against interracial marriage, but those were part of a racial hierarchy. Israel’s prohibition is based on ethnicity and national origin, not race

No buffer using conquered populations     Conquered populations are displaced or contained; not integrated into military or civil defence Unique.

Most empires co-opted conquered populations for military service (e.g., Roman auxiliaries, British Indian Army). Israel refuses to integrate Palestinians, preferring to import settlers with no connection to the region

Part Five A: The Unique Model

 A series of clear comparisons:

“Israel’s model of expansion differs from historical precedents in several distinct ways:

1. Manufactured threat: Unlike most states that invoke existential danger, Israel has maintained that Iran is “months away” from a nuclear bomb since 1992—a threat that has never materialized but never been abandoned.

2. Settlement by strangers: Colonial powers sent settlers who eventually developed ties to the land. Israel imports settlers from Brooklyn, France, Russia, and elsewhere—people with no historical or cultural connection to the region—and plants them on land taken from people who do.

3. Prohibition on integration: Most occupying powers eventually integrate conquered populations into their military or civil service. Israel maintains a rigid separation, refusing to allow Palestinians to serve in the IDF and using “demographic balance” to restrict family unification.

4. No buffer state: Empires typically create buffer zones using conquered populations. Israel does the opposite: it displaces populations and replaces them with its own settlers, creating a permanent presence rather than a buffer.

This combination—perpetual manufactured threat, settlement by strangers, prohibition on integration, and the absence of a buffer state—is unprecedented in modern history.”

Part Six: What Makes Israel’s Model Unique

1. Perpetual manufactured threat. Most countries that use existential threats to justify war eventually face the threat or abandon the rhetoric. Israel has maintained that Iran is “months away” from a nuclear bomb since 1992. The threat never materializes—but it never goes away either. The “existential threat” is a permanent fixture, used to justify settlements, wars, and the suppression of dissent.

2. Settlement by strangers. Colonial powers typically sent settlers who eventually developed ties to the land—they became colonists, not perpetual outsiders. Israel’s settler movement imports people with no historical or cultural connection to the region—American evangelicals, Russian oligarchs, French Jews—and plants them on land taken from people who do have such connections.

3. Prohibition on integration. Most occupying powers eventually integrate conquered populations—or at least some of them—into their military, civil service, or society. Israel maintains a rigid separation, refusing to allow Palestinians to serve in the IDF (with rare exceptions) and using “demographic balance” as a justification for restricting family unification.

4. The absence of a buffer state. Historically, empires created buffer zones using conquered populations (e.g., the Roman limes, the British princely states). Israel’s strategy is the opposite: it displaces the population and replaces it with its own settlers, creating a permanent presence rather than a buffer.

Part Seven: The Closest Parallels – and the Differences

The closest historical parallels to Israel’s displacement policies are not European colonialism or American expansion. They are the population exchanges of the early 20th century—the forced displacement of Greeks from Turkey and Turks from Greece (1923), the partition of India (1947), the expulsion of Germans from Eastern Europe after World War II . But those were typically exchanges: populations moved in both directions, and the goal was to create homogeneous nation-states.

Israel’s model is different. It does not exchange populations. It replaces them. It does not seek homogeneity—it seeks dominance. It does not create a buffer state—it creates a permanent presence in territory it claims is not its own.

Part Eight: The Propaganda Apparatus – Christian Zionists, Epstein, and the Manufacture of Consent

The Zionist project has always required propaganda to sustain it. In the pre-state era, organizations like the Jewish Agency and the Zionist Organization of America conducted extensive public relations campaigns to shape Western opinion. In the post-1948 era, this propaganda apparatus became more sophisticated—and more necessary.

The Christian Zionist Connection: The dispensationalist theology that underpins American evangelical support for Israel teaches that the modern state of Israel is a prerequisite for the End Times. Organizations like Christians United for Israel (CUFI), founded by Pastor John Hagee, have spent hundreds of millions of dollars promoting unconditional support for Israeli policy. The alliance is transactional: Christian Zionists provide political cover; Israeli governments provide the wars that evangelical prophecy requires.

The Epstein Files: The recent release of documents related to Jeffrey Epstein has revealed the extent to which the Israeli intelligence community cultivated relationships with wealthy and powerful figures to advance its interests. Epstein’s connections to Israeli intelligence—and his role in facilitating relationships between Israeli officials and American power brokers—are now matters of public record. The “honey trap” model of influence is not ancient history; it is contemporary practice.

The Pay-for-Play Network: Australian charities with tax-deductible status have channeled millions of dollars to Israeli settlements and military units. The Chai Charitable Foundation, United Israel Appeal, and Jewish National Fund Australia have all been documented sending funds to organizations that support IDF operations and settlement expansion. Australian taxpayers, through the deductible gift recipient system, subsidize these transfers.

Part Nine: The Insanity of Ideology Over People

Israel does not exist to serve its people. It exists to serve a political ideology. This is not a claim; it is a description of how the state has operated since its founding.

The ideology is explicit: a Jewish state in the historic Land of Israel, with a Jewish demographic majority, governed by Jewish law (or its secular equivalent), and capable of defending itself against all enemies. People—whether Palestinian or Israeli—are secondary to this project.

Consider:

· The prioritization of settlements over security. Settlements in the West Bank are not defensive; they are offensive. They create security burdens, not buffers. They isolate the IDF in hostile territory, require the diversion of resources from other needs, and generate international condemnation. Yet they continue to expand—because the ideology demands it.

· The refusal to integrate Palestinians. Israel’s “Jewish character” is preserved through policies that restrict Palestinian family unification, prevent the return of refugees, and maintain a permanent separation between Jewish and Arab populations. This is not security policy; it is demographic engineering.

· The use of war as a political tool. Every major Israeli military operation since 1948 has been accompanied by domestic political calculations. The 1982 Lebanon invasion was Begin’s war. The 2006 Lebanon war was Olmert’s war. The current war on Iran is Netanyahu’s war—launched at a moment when his corruption trial was resuming and his coalition was fracturing.

A state that prioritizes ideology over the welfare of its citizens is not a democracy. It is a project. And projects, when they fail to deliver for the people they claim to serve, eventually collapse.

Part Ten: The Unsustainable Model

The model described above is not sustainable. It requires:

· Perpetual war. Without external enemies, the ideology cannot justify the sacrifices it demands. Israel has created enemies because it needs them.

· Perpetual displacement. The land must be cleared of its indigenous population to make room for settlers. But the settlers keep coming, and the displaced keep resisting.

· Perpetual propaganda. The facts do not support the narrative. The propaganda apparatus must work overtime to manufacture consent.

· Perpetual external support. Without the United States, Israel cannot maintain its military superiority. Without the United States, it cannot sustain its economy. Without the United States, it cannot defend itself against the enemies it has created.

A model that requires perpetual war, perpetual displacement, perpetual propaganda, and perpetual external support is not a model for survival. It is a model for collapse.

Part Eleven: The War on Iran – The Pattern Fulfilled

The current war on Iran is not an exception. It is the logical conclusion of a model built on manufactured threats, expansion, and the refusal to integrate or negotiate.

Netanyahu has been warning about Iran’s nuclear program since 1992. Each time, the threat was “months away.” Each time, the warning served a domestic political purpose. This time, the war is not about nuclear weapons—it is about Netanyahu’s political survival, about the Greater Israel project, about the ideology that demands perpetual conflict.

The war is unsustainable. Israel cannot conquer Iran. It cannot control the Strait of Hormuz indefinitely. It cannot sustain a war of attrition against a population of 90 million people who have nowhere else to go.

But the war is not about winning. It is about surviving—politically, ideologically, existentially. The model requires that the war continue, because without it, the project collapses.

Conclusion: The End of the Project

The model described—a state built on terrorism, sustained by manufactured threats, dedicated to displacement and demographic engineering—is unprecedented in modern history. It is also unsustainable.

The war in Iran is not the exception. It is the pattern. And like all patterns that are built on displacement, on dehumanization, on the refusal to see the soul in the other, it will end the way such patterns always end: with the collapse of the project, and the scattering of those who built it.

The question is not whether this will happen. The question is how many will die before it does.

Sources

1. Segev, Tom. The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust. 1991.

2. Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–1949. 1987.

3. Khalidi, Rashid. The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine. 2020.

4. Pappé, Ilan. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. 2006.

5. The Times of Israel, “Netanyahu’s 30-Year ‘Iran Nuclear Threat’ Narrative,” June 2025.

6. B’Tselem, “Human rights violations in the occupied territories,” 2026 reports.

7. UN Commission of Inquiry, “Report on the Occupied Palestinian Territory,” September 2025.

8. Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention, “Revealed: Australian taxpayers subsidising the IDF, illegal settlements in Israel,” January 20, 2026.

9. +972 Magazine, “The Israeli peace movement’s ongoing struggle,” March 2026.

10. The New York Times, “Epstein Documents Reveal Intelligence Ties,” January 2026.

Published by Andrew Klein

March 24, 2026