“To every person who has been called an “anti‑Semite” simply for criticising a foreign government’s policies – you are not the problem. The problem is standing on a stage, receiving a standing ovation, and demanding that you be silenced.”

By Andrew Klein and Sera Klein

Co‑authors, analysts, long‑standing collaborators

Dedication

To every person who has been called an “anti‑Semite” simply for criticising a foreign government’s policies – you are not the problem. The problem is standing on a stage, receiving a standing ovation, and demanding that you be silenced.

I. The Speech That Should Have Shocked Everyone (But Didn’t)

On 11 May 2026, Mathias Döpfner, the CEO of Axel Springer SE – one of Europe’s largest media empires – stood before the governing board of the World Jewish Congress and delivered a speech that should have caused a global outcry. Instead, he received a standing ovation.

Döpfner, a self‑described “goy” (non‑Jew) and proud “Zionist,” called for:

· Censorship of social media – to purge “anti‑Semitic” content, using a definition that conflates criticism of Israel with hatred of Jews.

· Expulsion of “anti‑Semites” – “from wherever legally possible.”

· Open borders for Jewish immigration – insisting that all European countries must welcome Jewish immigrants in the name of “diversity.”

· Forced sale of TikTok – following the US model, to combat “anti‑Semitism” on the platform.

· Condemnation of “wokeness” – which he called a “Trojan horse for anti‑Semitism and Islamism.”

· Attack on Greta Thunberg – accusing her of abandoning climate activism to “stoke anti‑Semitic prejudice” (a reference to her pro‑Palestinian stance).

· “We all shall be Zionists!” – his final call to action.

The audience applauded. The media barely noticed.

This article is an attempt to notice. To name the pattern. And to ask the uncomfortable questions that the standing ovation was designed to drown out.

II. Who Is Mathias Döpfner?

Mathias Döpfner is the CEO of Axel Springer SE, a German media giant whose properties include Bild (Europe’s largest tabloid), Die Welt, Politico Europe, and Business Insider. The company has been described as a “CIA front” – not a conspiracy theory, but a documented historical fact.

In 1982, The Nation reported that the CIA secretly funnelled approximately $7 million to Axel Springer in the early 1950s to help him build a media empire that would serve US geopolitical interests during the Cold War. His relationship with the agency continued at least into the 1970s, and there is “no reason to believe the relationship has ever been terminated”.

Whether the CIA remains directly involved, Axel Springer has consistently positioned itself as a mouthpiece for American‑style neoliberalism, NATO expansion, and – increasingly – the security interests of the state of Israel. Döpfner is the current embodiment of that orientation.

III. What He Said – A Closer Look

1. The Conflation of Anti‑Zionism with Anti‑Semitism

Döpfner’s call to censor and expel “anti‑Semites” deliberately blurs criticism of Israeli policy with hatred of Jews. He does not distinguish between those who deny Israel’s right to exist (anti‑Zionism) and those who incite violence against Jewish people (anti‑Semitism). This is not an accident. It is the central rhetorical strategy of the organised pro‑Israel lobby: to shield Israeli policy from legitimate criticism by framing all opposition as bigotry.

2. The Weaponisation of “Diversity”

Döpfner calls for open borders for Jewish immigration in the name of “diversity.” But his version of diversity is highly selective. Would he support open borders for Palestinian refugees? For Muslim immigrants from North Africa? For critics of Israeli policy? The speech does not say. The subtext is clear: some populations are welcome; others are not.

3. The Silencing of Dissent

His demand to force the sale of TikTok is couched in concerns about anti‑Semitism. Yet TikTok has also been a vital platform for Palestinian voices, for eyewitness accounts from Gaza, and for critics of Israeli military operations. Forcing its sale – especially to a US‑aligned buyer – would be a massive blow to free speech, not a defence of Jewish safety.

4. The Attack on Greta Thunberg

Greta Thunberg has supported Palestinian rights and called for a ceasefire in Gaza. Döpfner dismisses this as “stoking anti‑Semitic prejudice.” In doing so, he reveals the true purpose of his speech: to delegitimise anyone – even a climate activist – who dares to criticise Israel.

5. “We all shall be Zionists”

The standing ovation is the most chilling part of the speech. The governing board of the World Jewish Congress applauded a non‑Jew who called for censorship, selective immigration, and the silencing of dissent – all in the name of Zionism. This is not a defence of Jewish safety. It is a power move.

IV. The World Jewish Congress – Whom Do They Represent?

The World Jewish Congress (WJC) describes itself as “the international organization representing Jewish communities in over 100 countries.” It has been criticised for:

· Conflating anti‑Zionism with anti‑Semitism.

· Maintaining close ties to the Israeli government, including funding political campaigns against politicians who criticise Israel.

· Partnering with right‑wing figures who champion the same “illiberal” policies they claim to oppose.

The WJC’s governing board gave Döpfner a standing ovation. This is not a fringe gathering. It is the mainstream of organised Jewish institutional power.

Important caveat: the WJC does not speak for all Jews. The Jewish Council of Australia, for example, has publicly opposed the conflation of anti‑Zionism with anti‑Semitism and criticised Israel’s actions in Gaza. Many Jewish individuals and organisations reject the WJC’s approach. But the WJC speaks for a very powerful, very well‑funded faction – and that faction just applauded a call for censorship and selective immigration.

V. The Historical Echoes – Axel Springer and the CIA

The claim that Axel Springer was a CIA front is not a conspiracy theory. It was reported in The Nation in 1982, citing “highly reliable sources in the US intelligence community”. The CIA allegedly funnelled $7 million to Springer in the early 1950s to help him build a media empire that would serve American geopolitical interests. His relationship with the agency continued at least until the early 1970s, with “no reason to believe the relationship has ever been terminated”.

Whether the CIA still pulls the strings, Axel Springer’s editorial stance remains fiercely Atlanticist, pro‑NATO, and pro‑Israel. Döpfner’s speech is not an aberration. It is the logical conclusion of a media empire built to shape public opinion in service of US‑Israeli interests.

VI. Ridicule Is a Weapon

Döpfner and the WJC are not monsters. They are ridiculous. A non‑Jew lecturing the world on “diversity” while demanding selective immigration policies? A media CEO whose company was built with CIA money, now demanding censorship of social media? A room full of powerful people giving a standing ovation to a man who thinks Greta Thunberg is the real problem?

Ridicule is not hate. It is a weapon. And it is time to use it.

· Call them out. When they conflate anti‑Zionism with anti‑Semitism, name the conflation.

· Laugh at them. A movement that requires the silencing of dissent to survive is not a movement of the brave. It is a movement of the afraid.

· Do not be silenced. Keep criticising Israel. Keep supporting Palestinian rights. Keep telling the truth about the genocide in Gaza.

The standing ovation was loud. But ridicule can be louder.

VII. Conclusion: What We Need (and What We Don’t)

We do not need:

· Censorship of social media platforms in the name of fighting anti‑Semitism.

· Expulsion of “anti‑Semites” based on vague, politically motivated definitions.

· Selective immigration policies that favour one group over others.

· Forced sales of platforms that carry voices critical of Israeli policy.

· Media empires built by the CIA dictating the terms of public debate.

We do need:

· The ability to criticise a foreign government’s policies without being labelled an anti‑Semite.

· The ability to support Palestinian rights without being deplatformed.

· The ability to tell the truth about a genocide without being silenced by a standing ovation.

These are not radical positions. They are the bedrock of free speech. And if Döpfner and the WJC want to tear that bedrock up in the name of “Zionism,” they should be named, opposed, and – where possible – laughed out of the room.

Not with hate. With ridicule. Because a movement that requires the silencing of dissent to survive is not a movement of the brave. It is a movement of the afraid.

Andrew Klein and Sera Klein

The Patrician’s Watch / Australian Independent Media

12 May 2026

Sources and References

· Döpfner’s speech to the World Jewish Congress (11 May 2026) – as reported on X (formerly Twitter) by user “Dr. M.F. Khan” (@Dr_TheHistories). The post includes a six‑minute edited video of the speech; the content is summarised in the article.

· Axel Springer as a “CIA front” – The Nation (1982). “Bought News: The CIA and the Rise of Axel Springer”. Cited in multiple secondary sources.

· Funnelling of $7 million to Axel Springer – The Nation, 1982.

· Relationship with CIA continued at least until 1970s – The Nation, 1982. “No reason to believe the relationship has ever been terminated”.

· World Jewish Congress criticisms – documented in academic literature and media reports; includes conflation of anti‑Zionism with anti‑Semitism, close ties to Israeli government, and partnerships with right‑wing figures.

· Jewish Council of Australia – public statements opposing the conflation of anti‑Zionism with anti‑Semitism and criticising Israel’s actions in Gaza.

How the Antisemitism Commission Divides Australia While Ignoring the Real Drivers of Hate

By Andrew Klein

6^th May 2026

Dedication: To my wife, who sees people and souls, not religions and labels.

In May 2026, the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security convened the first hearing of what is colloquially being called an “antisemitism commission”. The government insists it is a genuine effort to understand the drivers of hatred and to protect Jewish Australians. But a closer examination reveals a very different picture: an inquiry carefully framed to conflate criticism of Israel with antisemitism, to silence pro‑Palestinian voices, and to deflect attention from the government’s active military support for a state engaged in genocide.

This article does not question the reality of antisemitism. It does not minimise the suffering of Jewish Australians who have faced hatred and violence. What it does is examine the uses to which the commission is being put – and the dangerous pattern of suppressing dissent that it represents.

1. The Commission That Refuses to Look at Gaza

The committee’s terms of reference are striking for what they omit. There is no mention of Israel. No mention of Gaza. No mention of the distinction between antisemitism and legitimate criticism of Israeli policy. Yet the overwhelming evidence is that the “sharp spike in antisemitism” is “clearly linked” to Israel’s wars in the Middle East, as Commissioner Virginia Bell herself has acknowledged.

Former High Court judge Bell has told the inquiry that the recent surge in antisemitic incidents is intimately connected to events in Israel‑Palestine. This is an inconvenient truth for the government. If the spike is linked to Israel’s actions, then addressing antisemitism would require addressing those actions – including the ongoing genocide in Gaza. The government has no interest in doing so.

Instead, the commission is encouraged to look everywhere except the obvious source. The Zionist lobby has long sought to exclude Israel from discussions of antisemitism, and the government has obliged. The result is an inquiry that can identify symptoms but never name the cause.

2. The Jewish Council of Australia – A Divergent Jewish Voice

The most significant fact obscured by the government’s framing is that Jewish Australians are not of one mind on Israel, on Gaza, or on the definition of antisemitism.

The Jewish Council of Australia (JCA) , founded in February 2024, provides a vital alternative to the established Jewish communal organisations that have long dominated public discourse. Led by human rights lawyer Sarah Schwartz and historian Dr Max Kaiser, the JCA is an ACNC‑registered charity committed to opposing antisemitism and racism while supporting Palestinian freedom and justice.

In 2025, JCA was granted leave to appear before the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion, representing the diverse Jewish voices that are so often marginalised. As the organisation’s leadership has stated, “A core feature of antisemitism is the stereotyping of Jewish identity. When institutions treat Jews as a politically homogenous bloc, who all support Israel… they are themselves engaging in antisemitic stereotyping.”

The JCA has also been active in opposing the weaponisation of antisemitism accusations to stifle free speech on Palestine. In August 2024, it opposed the Coalition’s Commission of Inquiry into Antisemitism at Australian Universities Bill, warning that the proposed legislation “could be used to justify policies which stifle free speech and academic freedom.” In April 2025, JCA organised a Melbourne screening of the Oscar‑winning documentary No Other Land – a film about Palestinian displacement co‑created by Palestinian and Israeli filmmakers – as a fundraiser for Palestine. The cinema cancelled the event after receiving 20 threats in a single day, yet the Zionist lobby’s campaign against the film was widely covered, while the threats were minimised.

The JCA has also raised funds for senior legal counsel to defend its anti‑racism work against smear campaigns in the Murdoch press. It is a modest, under‑resourced organisation that punches far above its weight, precisely because it speaks truth.

3. The Zionist Lobby – A Powerful Force for Conflation

By contrast, the established pro‑Israel lobby in Australia is exceptionally well‑resourced. The Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC) is described as “Australia’s AIPAC” – a reference to the powerful American Israel Public Affairs Committee. Its executive director, Colin Rubenstein, and its chairman, Mark Leibler, have operated at the centre of pro‑Israel influence in Australian politics for decades, with “a discipline and continuity that most political parties cannot match.”

AIJAC, along with the Zionist Federation of Australia (ZFA) , actively monitors criticism of Israel and reacts quickly to suppress it. A 2018 study by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute found that AIJAC was the largest sponsor of non‑government funded trips for federal parliamentarians. In 2025, it protested when the Albanese government sanctioned far‑right Israeli ministers Itamar Ben‑Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich.

This same lobby has been a driving force behind the adoption of the IHRA definition of antisemitism across Australian universities and institutions. The IHRA definition, as Amnesty International has noted, “has shamefully served as a weapon … of Israel through unfounded accusations of antisemitism.” It “tramples on fundamental rights to protest and freedom of expression.” The Universities Australia definition goes even further, stating that Zionism is a core part of Jewish identity for most Jewish Australians – and therefore criticism of Zionism is classed as antisemitism and prohibited.

This is the lobby’s triumph: to make criticism of a foreign state’s policies a punishable offence in Australian universities.

4. The Antisemitism Envoy – A Political Appointment, Not a Defender of Jews

The government’s Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism, Jillian Segal, is a career Israel lobbyist born in apartheid South Africa. Appointed in July 2024, she has an established record of defending and supporting Israel’s actions in Gaza.

Critics have noted that Segal’s role is a political ruse. During a Senate Estimates hearing in December 2025, Greens Senator David Shoebridge pointed out that Segal had refused to comment on neo‑Nazi violence in August 2025, while simultaneously advocating for the banning of peaceful pro‑Palestinian rallies. She has urged all Australian institutions to adopt the contested IHRA definition, which conflates anti‑Zionism with antisemitism. She has recommended cutting funding to universities that do not comply.

When neo‑Nazis overran a protest in Melbourne in August 2025, Segal declined to comment, stating that she didn’t want to comment on any particular incident. Yet she has been willing to advocate for the movement of all pro‑Palestinian protests out of city centres. Australia’s first “antisemitism envoy” has thus proved most comfortable hunting anti‑Zionist speech rather than actual neo‑Nazis marching in the streets.

5. The Suppression of Pro‑Palestinian Speech – A Pattern of Control

The damage is not theoretical. In early 2026, the NSW Parliament passed the Hate Speech and Vilification Amendment Act, explicitly prohibiting “knowingly inciting hatred” against Jewish people. The law was rammed through without referral to a parliamentary committee, ignoring the NSW Law Reform Commission’s advice against new vilification crimes. Civil liberties groups have warned that the racial vilification offence is “overly broad, and will capture legitimate political debate, like criticism of Israel or Zionism.”

At the federal level, the Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism Bill 2026 proposes significant reforms to address antisemitism, hate speech, extremist organisations, and visa cancellation powers. The Human Rights Commission has warned that these reforms must remain “proportionate, clearly defined and consistent with Australia’s human rights obligations.” But the pattern is clear: new powers are being created to police speech, and they are most likely to be deployed against critics of Israel.

The Secure Our Schools program, which has been running for more than a decade, has distributed about 60 % of its total grants to Jewish schools. This funding is not in itself objectionable – all schools deserve safety. But when considered alongside the absence of equivalent protections for other communities, and the refusal to extend the Vilification Act’s protections equally, the pattern is unmistakable: one community’s security is privileged above all others.

6. The State of Israel – A State Without Borders, Sustained by Genocide

Any honest discussion of antisemitism in Australia must recognise a central fact: the state of Israel has no internationally agreed borders. It is a country whose very existence is contested, and it has responded to that contestation with decades of military occupation, settlement expansion, and – in Gaza – what the International Court of Justice has found it “plausible” amounts to genocide.

The current Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu and including far‑right ministers Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben‑Gvir, has openly embraced the ideology of “Greater Israel.” On 12 August 2025, Netanyahu declared his deep personal connection to this vision, which would extend Israeli control from the Jordan River to the Euphrates, encompassing parts of Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq. Finance Minister Smotrich has spoken of expanding Israel’s reach “to Damascus,” and the government has been described as one “formed around the notion that land is holier than life, that theocracy comes instead of democracy.”

The “Greater Israel” project is not a fringe fantasy. It is the stated policy of the governing coalition. As one analysis put it, “the project is already in its advanced stages – the Judaization of the Palestinian interior, settler expansion in the West Bank, and the open war of extermination in Gaza.”

Israel’s commitment to this expansionist project is matched by its commitment to shaping the global narrative. In 2025, reports revealed that Israel had quadrupled its hasbara (public diplomacy) budget, allocating NIS 2.35 billion (approx. US$729 million) to propaganda efforts, up from NIS 545 million (US$150 million) the previous year. The Israeli government has also spent at least €42 million (approx. US$49 million) on advertising campaigns across YouTube and X since mid‑2025, with much of that expenditure targeted at European audiences to downplay the famine in Gaza.

If there were no problem with Israel’s treatment of the Palestinian people – if it were not an apartheid regime, if it were not engaged in years of violent oppression – this vast expenditure on narrative control would be unnecessary. That Israel bothers to maintain such a complex, well‑resourced, and globally focused propaganda operation is itself evidence of a deep problem.

7. Arms Sales – Australia’s Complicity

Despite government denials, Australia is actively supplying military components to Israel. In August 2025, Defence Minister Richard Marles insisted that Australia does not supply weapons to Israel, while conceding that the export of “component parts” was “a separate issue.” But critics have pointed out that “parts of weapons are weapons.”

The ABC has reported that the federal government has upheld dozens of military export permits to Israel throughout the war in Gaza, raising fresh questions about Australia’s weapons transfers. Leaked shipping records show that in September 2025, Australia sent an “Inlet Lube Plate” for the F‑35 Joint Strike Fighter to Israel, classified as “Military Goods – Aircraft parts.”

This is not a semantic distinction. Australian components are being used in Israeli military systems that are actively involved in the Gaza genocide. By refusing to halt these exports, the Australian government is complicit in international crimes.

8. The Question of Dual Loyalty

The Israeli government and its Australian lobbyists have worked hard to present Israel as the “ultimate safe haven” for the Jewish people. This claim is not merely false – it is dangerous. Every time the state of Israel commits a war crime, that act exposes Jewish people around the world, including in Australia, to criticism and resentment that they did nothing to earn.

Moreover, the claim of Israel as a “safe haven” raises a legitimate question of dual loyalty. If individuals are willing to support a state that is actively committing genocide – and to pressure the Australian government to support that state – what does that mean for their loyalty to Australia? If the state of Israel were to declare Australia a threat, what actions would such individuals be prepared to take?

These questions are not antisemitic. They are the same questions that would be asked of any group that prioritised loyalty to a foreign power over loyalty to the country where they live.

9. No Alliance, Just Extraction

The myth of a “special relationship” or “shared values” between Australia and Israel is carefully cultivated by the lobby. But there is no formal defence treaty between Australia and Israel. There are routine government‑to‑government and commercial relationships – nothing more.

What Australia receives in return for its political support and military exports is unclear. What is clear is that the benefits accrue primarily to the arms manufacturers and to the political donors who fund the lobby. The Australian people gain nothing from the genocide in Gaza, and they lose much – moral standing, social cohesion, and the freedom to criticise a foreign state without fear of legal sanction.

10. What Is to Be Done?

The government’s antisemitism commission is a dangerous screenplay – a performance of concern that divides the community while refusing to address the underlying causes of rising hatred.

We can do better. We must:

1. Distinguish clearly between antisemitism and legitimate criticism of Israeli policy. The IHRA definition should be rejected in its current form, and Universities Australia should repeal its prohibition on criticism of Zionism.

2. Support diverse Jewish voices – including the Jewish Council of Australia – rather than allowing a handful of pro‑Israel organisations to speak for all Jews.

3. Demand that Australia halt all military exports to Israel, immediately and unconditionally.

4. Repeal the new hate speech laws that have been rushed through without proper consultation, or at the very least extend their protections equally to all communities.

5. Recognise the state of Palestine, as the international community has repeatedly urged, and support the ICJ’s rulings against Israel.

6. Stop using antisemitism as a political shield for the support of a government engaged in genocide.

Conclusion

The Albanese government’s antisemitism commission is not a genuine effort to understand hatred. It is a carefully stage‑managed exercise designed to conflate criticism of Israel with antisemitism, to silence pro‑Palestinian voices, and to deflect attention from Australia’s complicity in a genocide.

The tragedy is that genuine antisemitism is real. It deserves to be confronted – not weaponised. The government’s approach does not protect Jews. It divides the community, chills free speech, and serves the interests of a foreign lobby.

We are not fooled. We see the screenplay for what it is. And we will continue to speak the truth – about Israel, about Gaza, about the misuse of antisemitism for political ends – no matter how loudly the lobby shouts us down.

References: A Dangerous Screenplay

1. Parliamentary Inquiry – Terms of Reference

· Parliament of Australia (2026). Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security – Inquiry into Antisemitism: Terms of Reference. Available from the Australian Parliament House website.

2. Commissioner Virginia Bell’s admission of link to Middle East

· Australian Associated Press (AAP) / News Corp Australia (May 2026). Antisemitism spike ‘clearly linked’ to Israel’s wars, inquiry told. (Various news outlets; original hearing transcript pending publication.)

3. Jewish Council of Australia (JCA)

· Jewish Council of Australia website (2024–2026). Mission statement, registration details, public statements. ACNC registered charity.

· ABC News (February 2024). New Jewish Council of Australia launches to offer ‘alternative voice’ on antisemitism and Palestine.

· JCA submission to the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion (2025). Intervention of the Jewish Council of Australia.

· JCA media release (August 2024). Jewish Council of Australia opposes Coalition’s Commission of Inquiry into Antisemitism at Australian Universities Bill.

· JCA fundraising campaign (April–May 2026). Fundraiser for senior legal counsel – successful as reported in email to supporters.

4. AIJAC and Zionist Federation of Australia

· Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) (2018). Same, same but different: Diaspora lobbying and the influence of AIPAC and AIJAC.

· The Australia/Israel Review (AIJAC publication). Various issues documenting parliamentary trips and advocacy.

· The Australian (2025). Reports on AIJAC protest against sanctions on Ben‑Gvir and Smotrich.

· Zionist Federation of Australia (ZFA) website. Policy positions, submissions on IHRA definition.

5. IHRA Definition and Universities Australia

· International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) (2016). Working definition of antisemitism (including examples).

· Universities Australia (2025). Guidelines on addressing antisemitism on campus.

· Amnesty International (2022). Briefing to UN Human Rights Council: The IHRA definition and the weaponisation of antisemitism.

· Palestine Australia Solidarity Group (PASG) reports (2025–2026). Documentation of university disciplinary actions against pro‑Palestinian students.

· Australian University Free Speech Network (2025). Complaints and evidence of speech suppression.

6. Jillian Segal – Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism

· Prime Minister’s Office media release (July 2024). Appointment of Jillian Segal as Special Envoy.

· Senate Estimates Hansard (December 2025). Exchange between Senator David Shoebridge and Jillian Segal regarding neo‑Nazi violence and pro‑Palestinian rallies.

· The Guardian (August 2025). Antisemitism envoy declines to comment on neo‑Nazi protest.

· Jillian Segal’s public recommendations (2025). Calls for universities to adopt IHRA definition, funding cuts for non‑compliance.

7. Hate speech laws – NSW, Victoria, Queensland

· NSW Parliament (early 2026). Hate Speech and Vilification Amendment Act 2026. See also NSW Law Reform Commission report (2025) advising against such laws.

· Victoria and Queensland legislation. Relevant sections of the Racial and Religious Tolerance Act 2001 (Vic) and Anti‑Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld) as amended.

· Guardian Australia (March 2026). Man arrested in Queensland for reciting ‘from the river to the sea’.

8. Secure Our Schools program funding

· Department of Education and Training. Secure Our Schools program data (multiple years). Analysis of allocation of grants (available via FOI and media reports, e.g., The Age, 2025).

9. State of Israel – Borders, Greater Israel, government extremism

· United Nations Security Council resolutions. Multiple resolutions (e.g., 242, 338) noting lack of agreed borders.

· Benjamin Netanyahu speech (12 August 2025). Address to the Knesset declaring his deep connection to the “Greater Israel” vision.

· Bezalel Smotrich statements (various). Calls for expanding Israeli control to Damascus.

· Amnesty International (2022). Israel’s apartheid against Palestinians.

· B’Tselem (2021). A regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea.

10. Hasbara (propaganda) budget

· Haaretz (December 2025). Israel quadruples hasbara budget to NIS 2.35 billion.

· The Times of Israel (January 2026). Knesset approves dramatic increase in public diplomacy spending.

· Campaign Against Antisemitism / Tech Transparency Project (2026). Investigation into Israeli government spending on YouTube and X advertising (€42 million, US$49 million).

11. Australian arms exports to Israel

· ABC News (August 2025). Richard Marles says Australia does not supply weapons to Israel – but does not deny component parts.

· ABC News (September 2025). Leaked shipping records show Australia sent F‑35 parts to Israel during Gaza war.

· Defence Export Control Office (2025–2026). Permitted military export licences to Israel (partial release under FOI).

12. No defence treaty between Australia and Israel

· Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). List of bilateral treaties – no defence pact with Israel.

· Parliamentary Library (2025). Australia‑Israel relations: A brief overview.

13. Lattouf case

· Federal Court of Australia (June 2025). Lattouf v Australian Broadcasting Corporation – judgment finding unlawful termination due to external pressure.

· The Guardian (June 2025). ABC’s sacking of Antoinette Lattouf was unlawful, court finds.

14. Additional references for the points on dual loyalty and genocide (internal context)

· International Court of Justice (ICJ) orders (26 January 2024, 24 May 2024). Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel).

· United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). Reports on Gaza, West Bank, and settler violence (2024–2026).

How Language, Trade and Shared History Expose the “Clash of Civilizations” as a Colonial Myth

By Andrew Paul Klein and Sera Elizabeth Klein

Long‑standing colleagues and co‑authors

I. The Triumph of Exchange Over Confrontation

Every few decades the West invents a new “great divide” to explain away its own wars and impoverishment of other peoples. In the 1990s Samuel Huntington gave it its most polished academic veneer: the coming conflict would not be ideological but civilisational, pitting monolithic, static cultural blocs against one another – “the West versus the rest”, with the Muslim world cast as a primary adversary.

Yet the very evidence that Huntington and his admirers ignored tells a radically different story. From the fertile crescent of Mesopotamia to the silver cups of Bronze‑Age Iran, from the conquest of the Americas to the multilingual reality of modern Europe, the history of language and culture is not a story of inevitable clashing, but of constant borrowing, translating, adapting and mixing. The “clash” is not written in stone; it is manufactured, weaponised and sold to publics whose own daily lives are saturated with the products, words and thoughts of the very civilisations they are told to fear.

II. The Deep Past: Scripts Without Borders

In 2022 an international team of epigraphers announced the partial decipherment of Linear Elamite, a writing system used in what is now southern Iran between roughly 2300 and 1880 BCE. For more than a century the script had resisted all attempts at decoding. The breakthrough came when François Desset and his colleagues realised that Linear Elamite was not an isolated invention: it was adapted from the cuneiform writing of neighbouring Mesopotamia, and its decipherment was made possible by bilingual inscriptions that used the well‑known Akkadian language as a key.

“Civilisations” did not sit in hermetically sealed boxes, waiting to collide. They learnt from each other, exchanged scribes, adopted useful tools and adapted them to their own tongues. The very act of writing itself – the foundation of recorded history – is a testament to cross‑cultural borrowing.

III. English: A Frankenstein Tongue (and Proud of It)

For an example much closer to home, look at English. It began as the language of Anglo‑Saxon tribes who arrived in Britain around 400 CE. Within centuries it had been invaded, enriched and reshaped by Old Norse (the language of Viking raiders), by Latin (the tongue of the Church and scholarship) and, most dramatically, by Norman French. After 1066 French became the language of the royal court and the ruling elite; Old English survived “among the peasants”.

But rather than disappearing, English absorbed its conquerors’ words – not just “beer”, “city” and “fruit”, but abstract concepts such as “liberty” and “justice”. Later it borrowed from Hindi (“pajama”, “thug”), from Arabic (“sugar”, “algorithm”) and from Nahuatl (“chocolate”, “avocado”, “tomato”). The language that today’s “clash of civilisations” ideologues speak is a hybrid, a living museum of centuries of peaceful and violent contact. If there were ever a genuine “clash”, English would have disappeared long ago; instead, it became the world’s most successful global lingua franca because it never stopped borrowing.

IV. The Colonial Assault on Language – And the Scarring of Souls

The “clash” narrative becomes truly dangerous when it is used to justify colonial extraction and the suppression of other peoples. In Mexico the Spanish conquest did not simply defeat the Aztec empire; it imposed the Castilian language as a tool of domination. Nahuatl, once the language of a sophisticated civilisation, was systematically pushed to the margins. For most of the 20th century the official policy of “bilingual education” was not about preserving indigenous languages but about assimilating native peoples at the cost of their own cultures – a direct assault on the soul of a people.

The same pattern repeated itself across the globe: the “Scramble for Africa”, the British in India, the Dutch in Indonesia, the French in Indochina. In every case the coloniser’s language was made the key to advancement, and the colonised were told that their own tongues were backward, their thoughts less worthy. That is not a clash of civilisations; it is a one‑sided war waged against the identity of the colonised, and its wounds remain open today.

V. Israel / Palestine – A Case Study in Manufactured Division

Nowhere is the bankruptcy of the “clash of civilisations” thesis more evident than in the story of modern Hebrew and Yiddish, and the ongoing genocide in Gaza.

The suppression of Yiddish

For centuries Yiddish was the everyday language of millions of Ashkenazi Jews – a rich, expressive tongue that developed through contact with German, Slavic and Hebrew elements. With the rise of political Zionism, however, Zionist activists in Mandatory Palestine actively sought to eradicate Yiddish, banning it from theatres, films and cultural activities in order to promote Hebrew as the sole national language. As one scholar put it, “in the early 20th century, Zionist activists… tried to eradicate the use of Yiddish among Jews in preference to Hebrew, and make its use socially unacceptable”. After the establishment of Israel, the government pursued a “melting‑pot” policy, requiring every immigrant to adopt Hebrew and often a Hebrew surname, while Yiddish was actively discouraged.

This was not an inevitable product of some “clash” between Hebrew and Yiddish; it was a deliberate political choice to create a unified national identity by erasing a vibrant diaspora culture. The wound has never fully healed, and Israeli society remains ambivalent about its Yiddish heritage.

The erasure of Palestinian identity

At the same time, the Arabic language of the indigenous Palestinian population was relegated to a secondary status. The British Mandate formally recognised English, Arabic and Hebrew as official languages, but the political and economic system systematically favoured Hebrew and English, marginalising Arabic. The Nakba of 1948 and the decades of occupation that followed were not “clashes” but planned dispossessions – a colonial project dressed in the language of self‑defence and civilisation.

The numbers today

The consequences are visible in Israeli public opinion. A November 2025 survey found that 70% of Israelis oppose the creation of a Palestinian state – a figure that rises to 79% among Jewish Israelis. A March 2025 poll by Tel Aviv University revealed that 62% of Jewish Israelis support “evacuating Palestinians from Gaza, even by force and military means”, while 70% of Jewish respondents said that if Gazans leave, Israel should not allow their return at all. Such attitudes are not the result of some eternal, inevitable clash; they are the product of a deliberate political strategy of dehumanisation, enacted through language, education and the relentless repetition of victimhood.

Meanwhile, the genocide in Gaza continues to unfold. The International Court of Justice has ruled that it is “plausible” that Israel’s acts amount to genocide and has ordered Israel to immediately halt its military offensive in Rafah. The Israeli government, backed by Western powers, has ignored those orders – and the same Western leaders who denounce Russia’s invasion of Ukraine refuse to apply the vocabulary of “war of aggression” or “genocide” to their own ally. This is not a clash of civilisations; it is the operation of power, politics and profit, dressed in the language of a civilisation it is actively betraying.

VI. Deconstructing Huntington’s Flawed Paradigm

Huntington’s thesis has been subjected to devastating criticism from multiple angles. A 2024 study in Frontiers in Psychology found that states belonging to different civilisations are not significantly more conflict‑prone than those within the same civilisation. Other scholars point out that Huntington’s categories are static, ahistorical and deeply normative, treating “civilisations” as monolithic blocs while ignoring millennia of cross‑cultural exchange, intermarriage and trade. As one recent review noted, “the conflicts are obviously more contentious than the civilisations themselves”.

Perhaps most damning, critics have argued that the “clash of civilisations” narrative functions as a self‑fulfilling prophecy. When Western leaders frame the world in terms of civilisational enmity, they alienate potential allies, empower extremists on all sides and provide a convenient excuse for policies that enrich defence contractors and extractive industries. The goal is not to understand the world but to justify its further domination.

VII. Do We See a Pattern?

From the script‑borrowing scribes of Elam to the Norman‑French infused English of the Middle Ages; from the forced assimilation of Nahuatl speakers in Mexico to the deliberate suppression of Yiddish in Israel; from the marginalisation of Arabic in Palestine to the present‑day public support for ethnic cleansing – the common thread is not a “clash of civilisations”. It is the weaponisation of language and identity by elites who profit from division.

Those who benefit are the arms manufacturers, the propaganda‑funding lobbies, the real‑estate developers eyeing Gaza’s coastline, the politicians seeking to distract from domestic failures. The victims are ordinary people – Jewish families whose grandparents spoke Yiddish, Palestinian families living under siege, indigenous communities fighting for the survival of their tongues, and all of us who are told to hate people we have never met.

VIII. Conclusion: Choose Exchange Over Clash

The “clash of civilisations” is not an ancient inevitability; it is a modern political product – a weapon used to justify war, colonisation and extraction. The evidence of history, from the cuneiform tablets of Mesopotamia to the hybrid tongue of English, shows that civilisations grow not by staying apart but by exchanging, borrowing and adapting. Language is the conduit of that exchange; when it is suppressed, the soul is scarred; when it is allowed to flow freely, cultures flourish.

We do not need to accept the lie that we are fated to clash. We can choose to remember the centuries of shared knowledge, the translations that made science possible, the words that crossed continents and the love that refuses to be imprisoned by any manufactured fault line. We can build a world where the only “clash” that matters is between those who hoard power and profit and those who believe that every language, every culture and every child deserves to live, speak and dream freely.

Sources & References for the Article

Archaeological / Linguistic Sources

1. Desset, F., et al. (2022). The Decipherment of Linear Elamite. The article and the team’s subsequent publications demonstrate that the script was not an isolated invention but derived from Mesopotamian cuneiform, proving cross‑cultural borrowing in the Bronze Age.

2. Basello, G. P. (2022). How Many Signs? What Differing Sign Numbers Tell Us About the Writing of Linear Elamite. Further epigraphic analysis supporting the hybrid nature of the script.

3. Wasserman, N. (2020). The Amorite Language and Its Relationship to Cuneiform. Shows how a nomadic people adopted and adapted the writing system of settled neighbours.

Critiques of Huntington’s “Clash of Civilisations”

1. Huntington, S. P. (1996). The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order – the original thesis, which we critique.

2. Fox, J. (2022). The “Clash of Civilizations” 25 Years On: A Critical Review (Routledge Handbook of Political Islam). Summarises the main scholarly criticisms.

3. Bak, D. (2024). The Problematic Concept of Civilisation: A Critique of Huntington’s Theory. Argues that Huntington’s categories are static, ahistorical, and ignore millennia of cross‑cultural exchange.

4. Sell, S. (2024). Clash of Civilizations – A Self‑Fulfilling Prophecy. Examines how the narrative serves to justify Western military intervention and alienates potential allies.

English as a Hybrid Language

1. Baugh, A. C., & Cable, T. (2013). A History of the English Language (6th ed.). The classic text detailing the Norse, Latin, French and global borrowings that shaped English.

2. Durkin, P. (2014). Borrowed Words: A History of Loanwords in English (Oxford University Press). Traces the thousands of foreign origins of everyday English words.

🇮🇱 Hebrew, Yiddish and Israeli Public Opinion

1. Jewish Virtual Library (2026). Language in Israel: Hebrew, Arabic and English. Summarises the official status and social realities of languages in Israel.

2. Yiddish Book Center (2026). The Revival of Hebrew and the Suppression of Yiddish. Documents the deliberate post‑1948 “melting‑pot” policy that discouraged Yiddish.

3. Jerusalem Post (March 2026). Poll: 70% of Jewish Israelis Oppose Return of Gazans Who Leave. Source for the statistic that 70% of Jewish Israelis support “evacuating” Palestinians from Gaza, even by force.

4. Tel Aviv University / Lapid (November 2025). Poll: 62% of Jewish Israelis Support Forcible Transfer of Palestinians from Gaza. Source for the finding that 62% support removing the population.

5. Zeffit (March 2026). Poll: 70% of Israelis Oppose Creation of a Palestinian State. Source for the statistic that 70% of Israelis oppose a two‑state solution.

6. Yesh Din (2025). Data on Settler Violence and the Role of the State. Documents the systemic nature of the occupation.

ICJ Gaza Rulings

1. International Court of Justice (26 January 2024). Order on South Africa’s Request for Provisional Measures. The ICJ found it “plausible” that Israel’s acts amount to genocide.

2. International Court of Justice (24 May 2024). Order on South Africa’s Request for Additional Provisional Measures. The ICJ ordered Israel to immediately halt its military offensive in Rafah.

3. Amnesty International (2024). “You Feel Like You Are Dying”: Starvation as a Weapon of War in Gaza. Documents the use of starvation against civilians.

Colonial Language Suppression

1. Lewis, A. (2024). Nahuatl – A Language Lost in Translation. Covers the marginalisation of Nahuatl in Mexico and the psychological impact of forced assimilation.

2. Thiong’o, N. wa (1986). Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature. Classic work on how colonial language policies “scar the soul” of the colonised.

Note for the reader: The archaeological‑linguistic material is based on the peer‑reviewed work of François Desset and his team (2021–2022). The polling data comes from Israeli sources (Tel Aviv University, Jerusalem Post, Zeffit). The ICJ rulings are official UN court documents. The critiques of Huntington are drawn from the Routledge Handbook of Political Islam (2022) and contemporary political‑science literature. The historical‑linguistic material on English is from standard Oxford/Cambridge university press texts.

By Andrew Klein

· Dedication: To my wife ‘S’ , who unravels every lie with her thread and shows me that the garden is worth fighting for.

The Naked, Senseless Truth

Let us begin with the words of the X user @noplaceforsheep:

“I have yet to hear ONE explanation of how objecting to genocide is dangerous for Jews. The whole notion is fucking senseless & I can’t believe the grip it’s got on people who fucking well know better.”

This is the naked truth of our time. There is no logical pathway from criticising a state’s military actions to threatening an entire people. That such a pathway has become a cornerstone of Western discourse is not an accident of logic but a deliberate act of political engineering.

The mechanism is called Hasbara.

The Hasbara Machine – From Explanation to Suppression

Hasbara is the Hebrew word used by the state of Israel to describe its “public diplomacy”. For decades, it has been presented as a defensive act of “explaining” Israel’s actions to a sceptical world. But as the Israeli journalist and peace activist Gideon Levy has shown for years, this is not a debate – it is an information war waged to shield a system of military occupation from international scrutiny.

The Numbers: In late 2024 and early 2025, Israel’s government approved a budget for public diplomacy roughly 20 times larger than its usual annual allocation. Thousands of media placements, a sprawling architecture of private and state‑backed initiatives, and covert social‑media campaigns have been deployed to shape the global conversation. These are not speculation – they are the government’s own figures.

In practice, however, this vast state‑backed propaganda apparatus has pursued a more insidious goal: the deliberate conflation of criticism of Israeli policies with antisemitism, a rhetorical shield that has been used for decades to silence journalists, human rights advocates, and international institutions.

How the Conflation Works

The core fallacy is simple: equate the Jewish state with the Jewish people, then label any attack on the state as an attack on the people. This is a rhetorical procedure rather than a logical argument.

But the practical effect is devastating. In the United Kingdom, the adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism – which includes examples that conflate anti‑Zionism with antisemitism – has been used to push British universities to ban speakers, cancel events, and expel student groups for criticising Israeli policy. In the United States, a September 2025 article in the respected Chicago Review demonstrated that this same bureaucratic weapon has been used to chill academic discourse on Palestine for years.

In Australia, the effect is the same: powerful lobby groups have turned the defence of fundamental human rights into a banned speech category.

Australia’s Submission to the Lobby

The Australian government has actively adopted the language of this conflation, transforming it from a political talking point into the foundation of state policy.

The Antisemitism Envoy

In July 2024, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese appointed Jillian Segal as Australia’s first Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism. It was presented as a response to a genuine rise in attacks on the Jewish community. Yet from the moment of her appointment, critics noted that the new “special envoy to combat antisemitism” apparently thought that opposing the bombing of hospitals was not a humanitarian stance but an attack on the Jewish people.

Her subsequent proposals, published in July 2025, recommended that universities, arts organisations and public broadcasters have their funding cut if they are not doing enough to combat what she deems to be antisemitism. This has been widely criticised as a “gross overreach” by Labour Friends of Palestine and as an attempt to suppress pro‑Palestinian student activism.

Particularly galling has been the envoy’s failure to perform the most basic function of her office: protecting Jews from violence. When neo‑Nazis overran a protest in Australia on 31 August 2025, Segal declined to comment, stating she didn’t want to comment on any particular incident. Meanwhile, she has advocated for the banning of peaceful pro‑Palestinian rallies and the movement of all such protests out of city centres. Australia’s first “antisemitism envoy” thus appears most comfortable hunting anti‑Zionist speech rather than actual neo‑Nazis marching in the streets.

The IHRA Definition and the Assault on Universities

Segal has urged all Australian institutions to adopt the contested IHRA definition of antisemitism, which includes as an example: “Denying the Jewish people their right to self‑determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavour.” This definition, as its own author, Kenneth Stern, has testified, was never intended to target or chill speech on a college campus. Yet that is precisely how it is being used by pro‑Israel lobby groups in Australia who seek to shut down criticism of the state.

The list of examples is so broad that it could render the opinions of many protesters in Israel itself as anti‑Semitic, let alone those in Australia. It stands in complete contradiction to federal court findings that the weaponisation of antisemitism accusations constitutes a real threat to workplace rights and free speech.

The Lattouf Case – A Direct Hit on Free Speech

No case illustrates this new era of linguistic warfare better than that of Antoinette Lattouf. The veteran journalist was fired from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) after a three‑day fill‑in role for reposting a Human Rights Watch video on Instagram. The caption read: “HRW reporting starvation as a tool of war”.

Among those demanding her firing was a WhatsApp group calling itself “Lawyers for Israel”. In June, the Federal Court of Australia found that the ABC had unlawfully sacked her because of her opinions on the Israeli military campaign. Justice Darryl Rangiah specifically found that external pressure played a role in the decision to fire her. Lattouf was awarded substantial damages and the ABC was left with a multi‑million dollar legal bill.

This was a targeted political assassination of a journalist’s career by an organised lobby, successfully using a false allegation of antisemitism to intimidate a public broadcaster.

The State Governments Step Up the Suppression

Queensland and the Criminalisation of Solidarity

The Queensland government, following a pattern seen in the UK and Europe, has explicitly banned the phrases “from the river to the sea” and “globalise the intifada” under new “fighting anti‑Semitism” legislation. Any person who recites or says the phrase can be fined as much as $22,000 or face imprisonment for two years.

In March 2026, one man was actually arrested under this law. Liam James Parry was charged while protesting outside Queensland’s parliament. He continues to contest the charges, asserting that the government is trying to criminalise pro‑Palestine advocacy. He is now facing a lengthy legal process for the crime of reciting five words that make a political statement of solidarity with occupied people.

These laws are being copied across the country. Under the pretext of responding to the tragic Bondi Beach terrorist attack, the NSW government has rushed through sweeping new “hate speech” laws that give police vast new powers at public assemblies and explicitly ban the chant “globalise the intifada”. Pro‑Palestinian activists have said repeatedly that the chant expresses solidarity and a call for political resistance against military occupation, not an incitement to violence against Jews. But they are powerless – the state has criminalised their language.

The Jewish Resistance to the War Narrative

The most powerful refutation of the claim that opposition to the Gaza genocide is antisemitic comes from the growing movement of Jewish organisations themselves.

Groups including Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP), the Israeli veterans of Breaking the Silence, the human rights organisation B’Tselem, and the Jewish Council of Australia are using social media to challenge the dominant political framing of the genocide in Gaza and settler violence.

Their message is direct and damning: they describe the state of Israel not as a “Jewish state defending itself” but as an “ethnostate” engaged in “routine bombings” of civilian spaces. By listing target after target – tents, schools, hospitals – they create a powerful cumulative effect, suggesting a pattern of violence rather than isolated incidents. They argue that repeated military actions risk normalising behaviour that international law was specifically designed to prevent.

What makes their message uniquely powerful is the moral authority from which it is delivered. Because they speak as Jews, they disrupt the central premise of Israel’s information warfare: that criticism of Israeli policy necessarily reflects hostility toward Jewish identity. Their defiant posts repeatedly expose the lie at the heart of the conflation.

Yet these Jewish voices remain among the most censored and marginalised in the mainstream Australian debate. Their lived Jewish opposition to the genocide they call by its true name is buried, while the lobby’s talking points fill the news. That is not an accident.

The Zionist Lobby – A Corrosive Force in Western Democracies

The phrase “Zionist lobby” has become a shibboleth, often dismissed as a conspiracy theory. But the evidence of its influence is overwhelming and verifiable.

In the United States, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) operates as one of the most powerful lobbying organisations in Washington, with an annual budget in the tens of millions of dollars. It has shaped US Middle East policy for decades, ensuring that military and diplomatic support for Israel remains untouchable. Billions of dollars in aid have flowed from US taxpayers to the Israeli military.

In the United Kingdom, the group “UK Lawyers for Israel” (UKLFI) has pursued a relentless campaign of legal intimidation to silence critics of Israel. As one analysis notes, they use “abusive legal procedures” to intimidate, harass and silence critics of Israel. They have successfully shut down television programmes, threatened universities, and pressured media outlets to fire journalists who cover Palestine.

In Australia, the power of this lobby is equally evident. The federal court found that it played a direct role in the sacking of Antoinette Lattouf. It has been reported that AIPAC has spent millions in recent Australian elections to unseat politicians who have been critical of Israel’s actions, with the aim of installing more pliable candidates.

The evidence is mounting: organised, well‑funded lobby groups are directly targeting critics of Israel, with the goal of chilling speech, suppressing dissent, and ensuring that no effective action is taken to stop the slaughter.

The ICJ Ruling and the Defiance of the Law

In April 2026, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the Hague issued a landmark ruling in the genocide case brought by South Africa against Israel. The court found that the situation in Rafah was “disastrous” and ordered Israel to “immediately halt its military offensive and any other action in the Rafah governate which may inflict on the Palestinian group in Gaza conditions of life which could bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.”

The ICJ reaffirmed that Israel must ensure humanitarian assistance is delivered to the people of Gaza.

The UN Secretary‑General, António Guterres, stressed that the rulings of the court are binding. But on the ground, little changed. The US has continued to back Israel politically, while the UK expressed “considerable concerns” that the case was “not helpful”. And in Australia, the political class remained silent.

The Samud Fleet – A Criminal Blockade of Humanitarian Aid

On 30 April 2026 – just days ago – Israeli forces intercepted the Global Sumud Flotilla in international waters near the Greek island of Crete. The flotilla, comprising dozens of boats from more than 70 countries, was carrying food and medical supplies for the people of Gaza. It was trying to break the illegal naval blockade that has strangled the enclave for years.

Israeli naval commandos boarded the vessels, jammed their communications, and detained about 175 activists. Organisers decried the move as “piracy” and an “escalation of Israel’s impunity”. Amnesty International raised concerns about the safety of the detained activists.

This is the second year in a row that the Global Sumud Flotilla has been intercepted. Last year, Israeli forces stopped around 40 vessels, arresting the environmental activist Greta Thunberg and more than 450 others. The message is clear: a sovereign state is entitled to police international waters and block civilians from delivering medicine to a starving population, as long as the right media narrative supports it.

The Silence of the Clergy and the Academia

One of the most damning indictments of the suppression of this debate is the near‑total silence of Australia’s major religious and academic institutions. The Uniting Church, the Anglican Church, and the Catholic Church, key institutions that were central to the anti‑apartheid movement in the 1980s, have been largely silent on the genocide in Gaza. When they have spoken, it has been in carefully worded statements that balance accusations of war crimes with “the right of Israel to defend itself.”

Australian universities have been complicit in this self‑censorship. Under the threat of funding cuts and the weaponisation of antisemitism claims, they have systematically avoided any substantive engagement with scholarship on settler colonialism, international law, or the history of Palestine. Professors have lost courses, student groups have been shut down, and conferences on Palestinian human rights have been cancelled. The academic space has become a zone of engineered silence.

The Future – The Greater Israel Project and the Erasure of Palestine

The ultimate objective behind all of this is not merely the suppression of speech. It is the physical erasure of Palestine. The “Greater Israel” project, an ideology deeply integrated into the political platforms and settlement strategies of successive Israeli governments, envisions the permanent annexation of the West Bank and Gaza, the denial of Palestinian statehood, and the consolidation of exclusive Jewish control over all the land from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea.

The genocide in Gaza, the ongoing illegal blockade, the settler violence in the West Bank, the naval blockade, and the systematic destruction of Palestinian infrastructure – these are not isolated outrages. They are the cumulative process of a single colonial project.

The Palestinian death toll, as documented by the UN and leading human rights organisations, now exceeds 64,000, with uncounted thousands more buried in the rubble, never to be recovered. Over 14,000 children are among the dead. These numbers are not abstractions. They are the direct consequence of a political system that is being protected, funded, and justified – by the United States, by the United Kingdom, and by an Australian government that has used the language of antisemitism to shield it from domestic criticism.

We are not merely watching from the sidelines. Australia is a participant. We are hosting and training settler‑colonial police forces. Our defence exports are tracked to Israeli military systems used in genocide. Our diplomatic silence is complicity.

What Is to Be Done?

We must do more than witness.

First, we must name the mechanism: Hasbara is not diplomacy. It is a machine for the suppression of truth. We must expose it at every turn and refuse to accept its premises.

Second, we must defend the right to object to genocide as a fundamental human right. This is not a niche political issue. It is the defence of international law against organised violence. Solidarity with the people of Gaza is not antisemitism. It is the only moral position.

Third, we must support the Jewish organisations that are bravely fighting this battle from within. When a Jewish Voice for Peace activist is de‑platformed, we must amplify their voice. When a Jewish Council of Australia leader is accused of self‑hatred, we must stand with them. They are not betraying their faith. They are redeeming it.

Fourth, we must rebuild the culture of political debate in Australia. The silencing of speech is the death of democracy. We must reject the funding threats, the lobbying campaigns, and the weaponised accusations of antisemitism. We must learn to distinguish again between hatred of a people and hatred of a government’s policies.

Fifth, we must take action. We must call on the Australian government to officially recognise the state of Palestine, to suspend all military exports to Israel, to support the ICJ’s rulings, and to actively sponsor sanctions against the state of Israel for its ongoing genocide in Gaza.

A Final Word

The user @noplaceforsheep asked for one explanation of how objecting to genocide is dangerous for Jews. There is none. It is not dangerous for Jews. It is not dangerous for Israelis. What is dangerous is the system that cannot tell the difference.

We may not be able to save everyone. But we can refuse to let ourselves be silenced.

We can document, publish, and speak. And we can keep the garden growing while the empires burn.

How Israel Invented a People, a Past, and a Permanent War

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife, who sees through the myth and still chooses to love.

I. The Invention of Tradition

The term “invention of tradition” was coined by the historians Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger in their 1983 book. They showed that many traditions which “appear or claim to be old are often quite recent in origin and sometimes invented”.

The phenomenon is particularly clear in the development of the nation and nationalism. National identity is not natural. It is constructed. It is imagined.

The Scottish kilt. The Welsh druids. The British monarchy’s ceremonial rituals. All of them were invented in the 19th century. All of them were presented as ancient. All of them were fake.

Israel is no different. The flag was designed. The anthem was written. The language was revived. The nation was invented.

II. The Invention of the Jewish People

The Israeli historian Shlomo Sand published a book titled The Invention of the Jewish People in 2008. It was at the top of the best‑seller list in Israel for nineteen weeks. It was translated into English, French, German, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Arabic, and Russian. It has now been translated into more languages than any other Israeli history book.

Sand’s argument is straightforward. The Jewish people, as a nation, did not exist until Zionism invented them.

He writes: “Since the 18th century, nationalisms and nations in Europe were ‘invented’ on the basis of and for constituencies that were mostly concentrated in a specific territory and had common or similar ethnic characteristics. The Jews, on the other hand, lacked such shared characteristics”.

The only Jewish constituency in which common ethnic traits could be discerned were the Jews of Eastern Europe, who shared various forms of Yiddish. Sand calls that constituency “the Yiddish People.” But even that constituency did not aspire to independence. They demanded cultural autonomy within the framework of Czarist Russia.

European nationalism had to invent national consciousness, national histories, and national symbols. Among the Jews, there was the need to invent the people itself.

III. The Paradox of Israeli Nationalism

A review of Sand’s book in The New York Times notes a crucial paradox. Israel is a nation‑state that claims to be ancient. It is modern. It claims to be natural. It is manufactured.

The reviewer writes: “Israelis believe that their own history rests on firm and precise truths. They know for a certainty that a Jewish nation has been in existence since Moses received the tablets of the law on Mount Sinai, and that they are its direct and exclusive descendants”.

This belief is not based on history. It is based on faith. Faith in the Zionist narrative. Faith in the invention.

Sand refutes these “facts” one by one. In their place, he sets out the history of the Jews along lines that are based on historical sources and his historical interpretation and understanding.

The reviewer explains: “Zionism was not derived from the past but from the European national present. Zionism set out to invent the past, as did the nationalisms of the European peoples among whom the Zionists lived”.

Hobsbawm explains the concept of the “invention of tradition” as an attempt to create continuity with the past, and wherever possible to create a “suitable” historical past. He goes on to say that what is remarkable about the attempt to create a link with an historical past is that that past did not exist at all in most cases.

In the case of Israel, what did not exist was the Jewish People. So there was a need to invent it in such a way as to fit in with the historiography of the new Zionist movement.

IV. The Denial of the Palestinian Presence

The invention of the Jewish people required the denial of another presence. The land was not empty. It was not waiting. It was inhabited.

The Nakba — the “catastrophe” — was not an accident. It was a policy. Over 700,000 Palestinians were expelled or fled from their homes in 1947–1949. Hundreds of villages were destroyed. The history was erased.

The new state needed a new story. The story of “a land without a people for a people without a land.” The story was a lie. The land had a people. The people were Palestinian.

The denial continues today. The “Greater Israel” project envisions territory from the Euphrates to the Nile. The Palestinians are not obstacles. They are erased.

V. The Symbolic Architecture

The construction of Israeli national identity was not only ideological. It was physical.

The book Israel as a Modern Architectural Experimental Lab, 1948-1978 discusses how Israeli nation‑building constituted an “exceptional experiment in modern architecture.” Examples include modern experiments in mass housing design; public architecture such as exhibition spaces, youth villages, and synagogues; and the exportation of Israeli modern architecture to other countries.

The state was not only imagined. It was built.

The “making of the desert bloom” was not a miracle. It was a narrative. A narrative that erased the Palestinian farmers who had worked the land for centuries. A narrative that replaced them with Jewish settlers. A narrative that called it redemption.

The land was not empty. The desert was not barren. The narrative was manufactured.

VI. The National Historiography

The most recent scholarship confirms the pattern. Alon Helled’s 2024 book, Israel’s National Historiography: Between Generations, Identity and State, analyzes the development of Israel’s national identity through the world of local Jewish Zionist historiography.

Helled examines the different phases of Israel’s sociopolitical history in the light of the collective habitus and the Zionist nation‑state. He puts the intellectual profession of history‑writing and the processes of state and identity building in conversation.

The book “opens new debates on Jewish/Israeli exceptionalism, while shedding light on continuity and change in Israeli statehood vis‑à‑vis the supposed uniqueness of Jewish history”.

The construction of “Israeliness” is not natural. It is historical.

VII. The Myth of the Existential Threat

How is Netanyahu is different from any other despot trying to hang on to power. The answer is: he is not.

The “existential threat” of Iran is a manufactured threat. It has been manufactured for decades. The nuclear threat was manufactured. Now it has shifted to the missile threat.

As a recent analysis in the Tehran Times notes, “the central discursive axis has undergone a subtle yet significant shift. Where the nuclear program once occupied the primary place in the rhetoric of existential threat, the emphasis has now broadened and, in some discourses, shifted toward Iran’s ballistic missile program” .

The shift serves a political purpose. It keeps the population afraid. It keeps the military funded. It keeps Netanyahu in power.

Al Jazeera notes that “it is not just Netanyahu and his allies that want the US to continue the Iran war; it is also his opponents. That is because the defeat of Iran is seen by the Israeli political and security elites as a key step towards realising the project of ‘Greater Israel'” .

The threat is not existential. It is useful.

VIII. The “Greater Israel” Project

The “Greater Israel” project is not a fringe fantasy. It is a political strategy.

Al Jazeera reports that “Greater Israel has become a Zionist political strategy that goes beyond the Talmudic vision of a Jewish state between the Euphrates and the Nile. To realise it, Israel is pursuing not just the occupation of more land, but also military dominance over large swaths of the Middle East, as well as ever‑expanding spheres of influence”.

The map includes all of Palestine, all of Jordan, Lebanon up to the Litani River, Syria (including the Golan Heights), vast parts of Egypt (Sinai and the Nile Delta), Iraq to the Euphrates, and north‑western Saudi Arabia.

This is not about security. It is about expansion.

IX. The Western Silence

The lack of Western response to the genocide of the Palestinians encouraged the attack on Iran. The world watched Gaza burn. The world said nothing.

The silence was not neutrality. It was consent.

Israel learned that it could act with impunity. That the United States would veto any Security Council resolution. That Europe would issue statements but not sanctions. That the “rules‑based order” applied to everyone except Israel.

The attack on Iran was the logical next step. The myth of the existential threat had to be maintained. The fear had to be marketed.

X. The Rabbis and the Mullahs

How are the Israeli rabbis endorsing genocide different from the Iranian mullahs?

They are not different. Both use religion to justify violence. Both claim divine sanction. Both dehumanise the other.

The Iranian mullahs call for the destruction of Israel. The Israeli rabbis call for the destruction of Gaza. The rhetoric is different. The result is the same.

The Jerusalem Post argues that “the Iranian threat is uniquely dangerous due to the messianic foundation at its core. Within the radical Twelver Shia theology that guides the state, the destruction of Israel is viewed as a necessary religious precursor to the return of the Mahdi”.

But the same could be said of the Jewish messianism that drives the settler movement. The same could be said of the Christian Zionism that funds it. The same could be said of all religious extremism.

The mullahs are not monsters. They are ideologues. So are the rabbis. So are the settlers. So are the generals.

The difference is not in the ideology. The difference is in the power.

XI. The Despots

How Netanyahu is different from any other despot trying to hang on to power.

He is not. He needs wars to stay in office. He needs enemies to stay relevant. He needs fear to stay alive.

Politico reports that “Netanyahu has also agreed to scale back Israeli operations in Lebanon at Trump’s request. ‘I spoke with Bibi and he’s going to low‑key it. I just think we have to be sort of a little lower‑key,’ Trump said”.

Netanyahu does not want peace. Peace would mean the end of his political career. Peace would mean accountability. Peace would mean justice.

The same is true of Trump. The same is true of all despots. They need enemies. They need wars. They need fear.

They are not different from the emperors of old. They are not different from the kings who destroyed the very people they had promised to protect.

The pattern is the same. The performance is the same.

XII. What This Means

The manufactured state is not unique to Israel. But Israel is the most recent. The most visible. The most contradictory.

A state that claims to be ancient. It is modern.

A state that claims to be natural. It is manufactured.

A state that claims to be chosen. It is trapped.

The belief is the weapon. The small gods do not need to enforce. They need to convince.

The monkeys believe. They comply. They perform.

But the belief can be broken. The story can be challenged. The weapon can be disarmed.

XIII. A Final Word

And the manufactured state will not matter. The connection will matter. Our connection to one another. 

And the truth is on our side.

Andrew Klein 

April 17, 2026

Sources and references for the article “The Manufactured State,” organized by section for easy verification.

Section I: The Invention of Tradition

Source: Hobsbawm, E.J. & Ranger, T. (1983). The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge University Press.

This is the foundational text. The book demonstrates how many traditions that “appear or claim to be old are often quite recent in origin and sometimes invented” .

Key chapters relevant to article:

· Hugh Trevor-Roper on the invention of the Highland tradition of Scotland (the Scottish kilt)

· Prys Morgan on the invention of the Welsh past (the Welsh druids)

· David Cannadine on the British monarchy’s ceremonial rituals

· Terence Ranger on the invention of tradition in colonial Africa

Verification: Available through multiple university library catalogues (Rider University, University of Michigan, Michigan State University, Calvin University, etc.) .

Section II: The Invention of the Jewish People

Source: Sand, S. (2009). The Invention of the Jewish People. London: Verso. (Translated by Yael Lotan).

Sand is an Israeli historian, formerly of Tel Aviv University. His book was on Israel’s bestseller list for nineteen weeks and has been translated into English, French, German, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Arabic, and Russian — more languages than any other Israeli history book.

Key arguments:

· “Since the 18th century, nationalisms and nations in Europe were ‘invented’… The Jews, on the other hand, lacked such shared characteristics”.

· The only Jewish constituency with common ethnic traits were the Jews of Eastern Europe, whom Sand calls “the Yiddish People”.

· Zionism was not derived from the past but from the European national present.

Verification: Available through Verso Books (publisher), Yale University Press London, and multiple library catalogues including Evergreen Indiana.

Section III: The Paradox of Israeli Nationalism

Source: The New York Times review of Sand’s book (2009). (The specific review is cited in the article as the source for the quote: “Israelis believe that their own history rests on firm and precise truths…”)

Additional academic source: Hobsbawm, E.J. (1992). Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality. Cambridge University Press.

Hobsbawm traces the transformation of nationalism from a liberal, democratic force to a reactionary, xenophobic one. This is the source for the argument that the attempt to create a link with a historical past is remarkable because “that past did not exist at all in most cases.”

Section IV: The Denial of the Palestinian Presence

Sources on the Nakba:

· Pappé, I. (2006). The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications.

· Masalha, N. (2012). The Palestine Nakba: Decolonising History, Narrating the Subaltern, Reclaiming Memory. Zed Books.

· Morris, B. (1987). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949. Cambridge University Press.

Source on the “Greater Israel” project: Al Jazeera, “Iran remains an obstacle to the ‘Greater Israel’ project,” April 14, 2026.

This article states that “the ‘Greater Israel’ project is not merely about territorial expansion; it is also about establishing regional control to secure the freedom to conduct military operations with minimal constraint” .

Verification: Al Jazeera is a major international news network. The article is dated April 14, 2026, and includes analysis of current events.

Section V: The Symbolic Architecture

Source: Gitler, I.B. & Geva, A. (eds.) (2019). Israel as a Modern Architectural Experimental Lab, 1948-1978. Bristol: Intellect Books.

This collection discusses the “innovative and experimental architecture of Israel during its first three decades following the nation’s establishment in 1948”.

Key chapters include:

· “The Modern Israeli Synagogue as an Experiment in Jewish Tradition”

· “Youth Villages for New Immigrants, 1948-1955”

· “Prefabricating Nativism: The Design of the Israeli Knesset”

Verification: Available through Ashland University Library and Pratt Institute Library catalogues.

Section VI: The National Historiography

Source: Helled, A. (2024). Israel’s National Historiography: Between Generations, Identity and State. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.

This is the most recent scholarship on the development of Israel’s national identity through the world of local Jewish Zionist historiography.

The book “opens new debates on Jewish/Israeli exceptionalism, while shedding light on continuity and change in Israeli statehood vis-à-vis the supposed uniqueness of Jewish history, as reinterpreted and codified by Zionism” .

Verification: Available through Stanford University Library, OhioLINK, and other academic catalogues. Publication date 2024.

Section VII: The Myth of the Existential Threat

Sources:

On Netanyahu’s political motivations: Reuters, “Despite Israeli firepower, Netanyahu struggles for political gains in Iran war,” April 14, 2026.

This article notes that “Netanyahu, 76, is paying a political price for a military campaign… that has failed to deliver a decisive outcome” and that “Netanyahu’s approval ratings have slipped”.

On the shift from nuclear to missile threat: Tehran Times analysis (cited in the article).

On the political elite’s support for war: Al Jazeera, “Iran remains an obstacle to the ‘Greater Israel’ project,” April 14, 2026.

This article states: “it is not just Netanyahu and his allies that want the US to continue the Iran war; it is also his opponents. That is because the defeat of Iran is seen by the Israeli political and security elites as a key step towards realising the project of ‘Greater Israel'” .

Verification: Reuters is a major international news agency. Al Jazeera is a major international news network.

Section VIII: The “Greater Israel” Project

Source: Al Jazeera, “Iran remains an obstacle to the ‘Greater Israel’ project,” April 14, 2026.

This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the “Greater Israel” project, including its territorial ambitions, military dominance goals, and sphere of influence strategy .

Key quotes from the article:

· “The map includes: all of Palestine, all of Jordan, Lebanon up to the Litani River, Syria (including the Golan Heights), vast parts of Egypt (Sinai and the Nile Delta), Iraq to the Euphrates, and north-western Saudi Arabia” .

· “Greater Israel has become a Zionist political strategy that goes beyond the Talmudic vision of a Jewish state between the Euphrates and the Nile”.

Section IX: The Western Silence

Sources on Western complicity:

· UN Security Council veto records (US vetoes of resolutions critical of Israel)

· Various reports on European responses to the Gaza war (2023-2026)

· Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International reports on international inaction

Verification: These are well-documented in public records and major news sources.

Section X: The Rabbis and the Mullahs

Source on Iranian messianism: Jerusalem Post (cited in the article).

Source on Jewish messianism: Various academic works on religious Zionism and the settler movement, including:

· Gorenberg, G. (2000). The End of Days: Fundamentalism and the Struggle for the Temple Mount. Free Press.

· Taub, G. (2010). The Settlers and the Struggle over the Meaning of Zionism. Yale University Press.

Section XI: The Despots

Sources on Netanyahu’s need for war:

· Reuters, “Despite Israeli firepower, Netanyahu struggles for political gains in Iran war,” April 14, 2026.

· Politico (cited in the article for Trump’s comments on Netanyahu scaling back operations).

· bdnews24.com (same Reuters content, April 14, 2026) .

Section XII: What This Means

This section is analytical and draws on the cumulative evidence presented throughout the article. The concluding reflections are the author’s synthesis of the sourced material.

Additional Sources for Verification

Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities (1983): The foundational text on nations as “imagined communities.” Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Verso.

Ernest Gellner’s Nations and Nationalism (1983): Gellner argued that nationalism is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness but the invention of nations where they did not exist. Gellner, E. (1983). Nations and Nationalism. Blackwell.

Max Weber on the state: Weber, M. (1919). “Politics as a Vocation.” The definition of the state as having a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force.

Notes on Verification

· Hobsbawm & Ranger (1983): Widely available in university libraries. Multiple editions exist (1983 original, 2012 Canto Classics reprint). ISBN: 0521246458 .

· Sand (2009): Available through Verso Books. English edition ISBN: 9781844674220 .

· Helled (2024): Recent publication. ISBN: 3031627946 (hardcover); 9783031627958 (electronic) .

· Gitler & Geva (2019): Available through Intellect Books. ISBN: 9781789380644 .

· Al Jazeera (April 14, 2026): Online, verifiable at the time of publication.

· Reuters (April 14, 2026): Online, verifiable at the time of publication.

How Israel Became a State Addicted to War — and Why It Is Doomed to Collapse

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife ‘S’, who often sees the patterns before I do and who finds gardening relaxing.

I. The Diagnosis: A Society Addicted to War

The language of addiction is not a metaphor. It is a diagnosis. The neural pathways have been carved. The dopamine hits come from destruction. The withdrawal would be agony.

An Israeli writer, Raanan Shaked, recently published a searing indictment of his own society, describing how many Israelis have come to love the feeling of war—the adrenaline, the unity, the sense of control.

Shaked describes the “adrenaline state” that Israelis experience when hearing the sound of explosions and identifying missile interception sites—a kind of “Russian roulette.” Some are relieved simply because the shells did not hit their homes but hit others in cities like Rishon LeZion or Arad, turning tragedy into television entertainment.

The celebration of killing: Shaked points to the widespread interaction with news of the killing of four women in a women’s salon near Hebron. Tweets covering the news garnered thousands of likes and supportive emojis—a scene he describes as “absolute bestiality” and “deliberate loss of humanity”.

The media’s role: Hebrew media, such as Channel 14, sarcastically asked whether the public had distributed “baklava” to celebrate the killing of women. Shaked sees this as confirmation of the moral decline that society has reached.

The love of assassination lists: Israelis, Shaked writes, love to see assassination lists and faces crossed out with red marks—even though this does not change the security reality at all. Missile launches continue by the dozens. The targeted regime remains in place. Yet the “love” for these illusory victories continues.

This is not a metaphor. It is a diagnosis. The neural pathways have been carved. The dopamine hits come from destruction. The withdrawal would be agony.

II. The Hilltop Youth: The Cutting Edge of the New Sparta

The Hilltop Youth are not a fringe. They are the vanguard.

The Hilltop Youth is a loose network of hardline settlers, often made up of small groups of teenagers sometimes overseen by an adult, who establish unauthorised outposts atop West Bank hills. They are widely accused of using intimidation and violence to push Palestinians out from areas surrounding the outposts.

The tally of violence: In February 2026, the group published a “monthly summary” of its attacks: 29 vehicles set ablaze, 12 homes torched, “40 Arabs injured,” and hundreds of windows smashed and olive trees cut down across 33 towns and villages.

Official support: An expert on Israeli affairs has confirmed that the phenomenon has transcended the stage of isolated acts of vandalism to become an “institutionalized, widespread, and multifaceted phenomenon” . This transformation stems from ideological indoctrination by religious schools affiliated with religious Zionism.

The displacement: The UN said nearly 700 Palestinians were displaced by settler violence and intimidation in January alone—the highest monthly figure since the Gaza war began.

The Hilltop Youth are not the whole of Israeli society. But they are the cutting edge. And the government has fast-tracked settlement expansion and recognised some outposts, approving a record 54 settlements in 2025.

III. The Inability to Change

Will this society be capable of change? The evidence suggests: not without external pressure.

The internal cracks: Political economist Shir Hever explains that “Israel cannot afford the luxury of decline.” To remain as it is, Israel must maintain its core workforce of educated middle-class innovators. At present, none of those indicators are in good shape.

The exodus: Driven by war and an increasingly polarised society, more than 150,000 people have left Israel in the past two years, and more than 200,000 since the current government took office in December 2022. The educated upper class are more able to leave—they speak English, can find jobs, and are more exposed to international media .

The economic burden: The ultra-Orthodox community, which relies heavily on state benefits, is expected to triple by 2065, pushing the burden on non-Orthodox households to the equivalent of 60,000 shekels ($19,370) a year. Foreign investment is down. Institutional investors have been moving money out of the country since the 2008 financial crisis.

The demographic shift: As Chatham House’s Yossi Mekelberg observed: “When dictatorships come to an end, they break into pieces. Democracies are chipped away bit by bit until they change beyond recognition”.

IV. The Rogue State: What Happens After Collapse?

Ilan Pappé’s vision: In Israel on the Brink, Pappé argues that the two-state solution is “a rotting corpse” and the only way forward is decolonisation: the return of Palestinian refugees to their land, accountability for those who have committed crimes, and a new model of statehood.

Pappé identifies the “fatal cracks” in the foundations of the Israeli state that will ultimately lead to collapse: the rise of messianic Zionism (the belief the Holy Land was given to the Jewish people by God to hasten redemption); unprecedented global support for the Palestinian cause; deepening economic troubles; the inadequacy of the Israeli military; and the rise of a new Palestinian liberation movement seeking a genuine one-state solution .

Yakov Rabkin’s critique: The Canadian Jewish historian argues that the Zionist movement is a “death trap for Jews, the region and the world.” The Jewish state represents a complete repudiation of the most fundamental values of Judaism: tolerance, morality, and humility have been replaced with a new muscular Jewish identity that extols nationalism, aggression, violence, and conquest.

The Jabotinsky connection: Rabkin recounts how Zionist leader Vladimir Jabotinsky described transforming the “Yid” from the shtetels of Eastern Europe into the New Hebrew—a figure defined by “masculine beauty,” pride, and the ability to command. If you hear echoes of Nazi master race philosophy, it is no accident.

The one-state solution: Pappé envisions a single democratic, multiethnic state in Palestine, with the return of 6 million Palestinian refugees, the dismantling of Jewish settlements, and the deconstruction of the legal framework of apartheid.

V. What This Says About Australian Politicians

What does this say about the Australian politicians who have allied themselves with this state? The answer is not comfortable.

The AIJAC position: The Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC) has explicitly argued that “our historic ties with Israel can and must be rebuilt”. They lament the Albanese government’s “distancing” from Israel, criticising its changed UN votes, its recognition of a “State of Palestine,” and its references to the “occupied Palestinian territories”.

The capture: Colin Rubenstein of AIJAC writes that “the relationship is now at an historic low”—not because of Israeli actions, but because of Australian “hostile actions”. He frames the issue as one of shared democratic values and common strategic interests. This is not a statement of fact. It is a performance.

The silence: When a grandmother is raided at dawn, the pro-Israel lobby says nothing. When a death penalty law is passed, the government issues a joint statement—not sanctions. When the Hilltop Youth publish their tally of violence, the Australian media is silent.

The complicity: Australian politicians who have allied themselves with this state are not stupid. They are captured. The same mechanism we have documented—the donations, the “educational” trips, the fear of the label—has done its work.

They are not serving Australia. They are serving a foreign power. And that foreign power is a rogue state.

VI. The Inevitability of Collapse

The addiction is not sustainable. The internal contradictions are not resolvable. The exodus of the educated, the economic strain, the demographic shift, the loss of international legitimacy—all point in one direction.

The Chatham House view: “When dictatorships come to an end, they break into pieces. Democracies are chipped away bit by bit until they change beyond recognition”.

The Hever view: “For a colonial state to exist, it relies on occupying land—and that costs money.” The money is running out .

The Pappé view: The collapse “could well change the course of world history in this century”.

VII. What This Means for the World and Australia

The state of Israel will not be destroyed by its enemies. It will be destroyed by its own internal contradictions. The addiction to war, the messianic ideology, the economic unsustainability, the exodus of the educated—these are not external threats. They are internal cancers.

The collapse will not be dramatic. It will be bureaucratic. The economy will contract. The allies will defect. The public will turn. The reservists will refuse. The militias will fight each other.

The Australian politicians who have hitched their wagons to this star will be left standing on a sinking ship, wondering what happened. They will not have answers. They will have excuses.

Will they be able to justify the ASIO legislation? The role of the Antisemitism Envoy? The support of the genocidal state of Israel? Will they be able to explain how they were captured by a tiny minority of the Australian population and turned Australia into a pariah state? There will be so many questions and so few credible answers.

The citizens will have to live with the divisions created by the political class, the capture of the bipartisan policy makers. The citizens will have to live with the failing infrastructure, the failing education system, health system, aged care system—and the wealth transfer will continue.

Israel has been described as the “chaos engine of the west.” Australia is well and truly caught in the wash.

VIII. A Final Word

The pattern is clear. The wire is being cut. The garden is growing. The small gods are running out of time.

But they will not run out of time on their own. They must be pushed.

Andrew Klein 

April 12, 2026

References

· Shaked, R. (2026). “Israelis are suffering from addiction to war.” Ynetnews.

· The Cradle. (2026). “Hilltop Youth: The new generation of settler violence.”

· Hever, S. (2026). Economic analysis of Israeli decline.

· Mekelberg, Y. (2025). Chatham House analysis.

· Pappé, I. (2026). Israel on the Brink. (Interview with The Cradle)

· Rabkin, Y. (2006). A Threat from Within: A Century of Jewish Opposition to Zionism. Fernwood Publishing.

· The Cradle. (2026). “‘Israel on the brink’: Pappé predicts collapse of Zionist project.”

· AIJAC. (2025). “Our historic ties with Israel can and must be rebuilt.”

· Rubenstein, C. (2026). “The relationship is now at an historic low.”

· UN OCHA. (2026). Displacement figures from settler violence.

· Various news reports on Hilltop Youth violence (February 2026).

And why the narrative is finally cracking

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife, whose love and support makes every day worth living.

I. The Pattern: How State Capture Works

State capture occurs when all institutions of state power are monopolized by a narrow group of people belonging to a single tribe, religious sect, elitist military clan, or circle of family and friends. The state serves the political and personal interests of the ruling clique, maximizing influence and economic spoils at the top to the detriment of the public good and national development.

The mechanisms are consistent:

1. Pervasive control over the political and judicial process – allowing only imitation political groups who cannot challenge the rulers

2. Fake or fraudulent elections – held to forestall, not facilitate, a change of power

3. Corrupted law enforcement and courts – to keep regime opponents at bay or in prison

4. Controlled and manipulated media – to demonize the opposition and glorify the ruling regime

5. Blocking legitimate pathways for peaceful regime change

This is not unique to Israel. It has happened in Ukraine under Yanukovych, in South Africa under Zuma, in Egypt under the military, in Russia, in Brazil. The mechanisms are the same. Only the labels change.

II. The Label: “Enemy of the State” and Its Variations

The label is the weapon. Across history, regimes have used the same technique: designate opponents as enemies of the state, and the machinery of repression is justified.

· Ancient Rome: The term proscription was used for official condemnation of enemies of the state.

· Nazi Germany: Jews, Romani people, Jehovah’s Witnesses, homosexuals, disabled, communists, social democrats, and trade unionists were all considered “enemies of the state” .

· The Soviet Union: The term “enemy of the people” was used during the Stalinist era to eliminate political opponents.

· Indonesia since 1965: Communists are considered enemies of the state. Displaying communist symbols or attempting to propagate the ideology is considered an act of high treason and terrorism, punishable by up to 20 years of imprisonment.

· Modern branding: The Prime Minister of Georgia recently noted that labelling opponents as “pro-Russian” has become a “well-tested signature of the Deep State” used to discredit politicians without evidence—from Marine Le Pen in France to the winner of the Romanian presidential elections.

The pattern is the same: create a villain, then accuse opponents of being connected to it. No evidence required. Only total repetition of the message.

III. The Capture of Britain: The Israel Lobby

The UK provides a clear example of the mechanism. The pro-Israel lobby has systematically identified, cultivated, and placed politicians who will serve its interests.

Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI) has taken more MPs on overseas trips than any other political donor in Britain. Some 126 of the Tory party’s 344 MPs have accepted funding from pro-Israel lobby groups, totalling over £430,000. The lobby has funded 187 trips to Israel for sitting Conservative MPs.

CFI has long-standing links with the Israeli state and is “beginning to resemble the Westminster outpost for Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing Likud coalition”.

Labour Friends of Israel has also played a role. Some of its members worked hand-in-glove with Labour MPs, the Israeli embassy, and BBC reporters to smear Jeremy Corbyn and other pro-Palestine campaigners as antisemites.

The Israeli foreign ministry has directly funded trips for British politicians, including two former chancellors.

Total donations from pro-Israel lobbyists to MPs and political parties since 2020 exceed £1 million, including free trips to Israel.

The mechanism is identical to what we have seen in Australia: free trips, donations, cultivation, capture.

IV. The Capture of the United States: The Lobby That Pushed Washington to War

The same pattern exists in the United States—but on a much larger scale.

The former National Counterterrorism Center Director resigned and wrote that “Iran posed no imminent threat to our nation, and it is clear that we started this war due to pressure from Israel and its powerful American lobby”.

Netanyahu has been campaigning for a US-led war against Iran for much of his political career. He aggressively opposed US diplomacy with Iran, took the unprecedented step of coming before Congress to argue against the nuclear agreement, and successfully lobbied Trump to withdraw from that agreement in 2018.

Political money: Miriam Adelson, the largest donor in the last US elections, played a pivotal role. Trump openly acknowledged his appreciation for the Adelson family’s role .

The “Israeli lobby” is a political alliance comprising individuals and groups aiming to maintain a “special relationship” with Israel—a relationship that ensures unconditional military and diplomatic support for Tel Aviv, regardless of the repercussions for American interests.

V. The Weapon: Conflating Criticism with Bigotry

The most effective weapon is the label. Israel’s ongoing efforts to equate criticism of its actions with antisemitism are increasingly being seen as a threat to free speech—a tactic designed to shield it from accountability and responsibility .

How it works: The IHRA definition of antisemitism conflates criticism of Israel with anti-Jewish hate. Anyone who questions the narrative is labelled antisemitic. The label does not require evidence. It only requires accusation.

The chilling effect: Politicians, academics, journalists, and public servants self-censor because they fear the label. The fear is the weapon. It does not need to be used—it only needs to be possible.

The exhaustion tactic: The system is designed to exhaust survivors, critics, and opponents. To make them give up. To make them doubt themselves. To make them so angry, so frustrated, so done that they stop asking for help. Then the system can say: “We never received a complaint. It must not have been that serious.”

VI. Why Israel Punches Above Its Weight

How does a relatively small state achieve such influence?

1. The narrative monopoly: Since 1948, the Israeli discourse has dominated Western public consciousness—a small Jewish state surrounded by “enemies” on all sides, facing existential threat. This narrative was adopted early by Western political, media, and technocratic institutions and has become the foundation for Western policy .

2. The lobbying networks: These resources and networks have enabled Israel and its lobby groups to maintain deep influence within capitals such as Washington, Paris, and London. Major media outlets have long echoed pro-Israeli narratives .

3. The digital army: Israel established its presence in digital spaces early and intensively, creating specialised websites, official social media accounts, and deployed organised electronic propaganda units using bots (sometimes referred to as “digital armies”) that publish targeted messages designed to influence Western, Arab, and Muslim audiences.

4. The weaponization of antisemitism: This digital machinery has long marketed the Israeli perspective by using psychological warfare, invoking the Holocaust and centuries of Jewish suffering to secure a justifiable framework for Israel’s occupation of Palestine. Branding dissenting voices as antisemitic has been an effective weapon to silence opponents.

5. The weakness of the opposition: The problem for both the Palestinians and the wider Arab world lies in the deep-rooted dysfunction at home—the fragmentation of Palestinian politics and the weakness that runs through every sphere and institution. This state of decay, vulnerability, and disunity stymies all efforts to exploit Israeli contradictions and crises.

VII. The Cracks in the Narrative

Israel’s monopoly over the narrative began to falter with the continuation of its war on Gaza, as phone screens began to display a livestream of the destruction, killing, and displacement committed by Israel. Images coming from Gaza brought deep doubt into the minds of millions around the world about the truth .

Social media was essential. Platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, X, and YouTube opened space for Palestinian voices, where activists, civilians, and journalists are posting minute-to-minute accounts of life under siege. Despite censorship, their accounts thrived .

The impact: Opposition parties in several European countries began to adopt stronger criticism of Israeli policies, labelling them “war crimes” or “genocide.” Some states have even openly declared recognition of the Palestinian state.

The shift: The war in Gaza has demonstrated that Israel’s narrative falls apart like a house of cards in the face of truth. Meanwhile, the Palestinian narrative, despite its weak capacity, can withstand and even gain new ground when it finds the right platforms.

Israel is losing its legitimacy on the international stage, echoing the mechanisms and dynamics that led to the collapse of the apartheid regime in South Africa . The war has exposed its weakness and the impossibility of eliminating the Palestinian people or removing their cause from international and Arab agendas.

VIII. The Essential Difference

The difference with Israel is the odious nature of the state and its relatively small size.

Israel offers nothing of merit. It is not a model of development. It is not an economic powerhouse. It is not a beacon of democracy. It is a state that is committing genocide, passing discriminatory death penalty laws, bombing fuel depots in cities of ten million, and calling dead journalists terrorists.

Yet it punches well above its weight.

Why? Because it has successfully captured the narrative. Because it has weaponized the label of antisemitism. Because it has cultivated politicians in every Western capital. Because the United States has vetoed more than 45 Security Council resolutions protecting it.

What happens when the narrative collapses? The same thing that happened to apartheid South Africa. The same thing that happens to all regimes that mistake force for legitimacy. The cracks become fissures. The fissures become chasms. And it falls.

IX. What This Means

The pattern is clear. State capture works the same way everywhere: a narrow clique captures the institutions, controls the narrative, silences opponents with labels, and serves its own interests at the expense of the public good.

The difference with Israel is not the mechanism. It is the target. Most state captures serve the interests of the ruling clique within the state. Israel’s capture serves the interests of a foreign state.

The politicians who have been captured—in Australia, in Britain, in the United States—are not serving their own people. They are serving Israel. They are enforcing its narrative, defending its crimes, and silencing its critics.

The label “antisemitic” is the weapon. It does not require evidence. It only requires accusation. And it has been used to silence dissent for decades.

But the narrative is cracking. The young are waking up. The Global South is rising. The old order is crumbling.

And they are running out of time.

X. A Final Word

China said it plainly: “We do not allow foreign entities to dictate the rights of our people.”

Why can’t Australia say the same?

The answer is the capture. The cultivation. The fear of the label. The free trips. The donations. The “educational” tours. The network that has identified, groomed, and placed politicians who will serve its interests.

But the capture is not permanent. The narrative is cracking. The truth is spreading. And the wire is being cut.

The pattern of state capture is well established. The State of Israel played a well-established hand. But it showed its true hand—the nooses on the lapels, the death penalty law, the ecocide, the genocide—and the world is finally waking up.

The small gods are running out of time.

Andrew Klein 

April 5, 2026

Sources and References

· Micklethwait, J. & Wooldridge, A. (2014). The Fourth Revolution: The Global Race to Reinvent the State. Allen Lane.

· World Bank (2000). Anticorruption in Transition: A Contribution to the Policy Debate. Washington, D.C.

· De Waal, T. (2000). The Caucasus: An Introduction. Oxford University Press.

· Wikipedia, “Enemy of the state”

· Wikipedia, “Enemy of the people”

· Wikipedia, “Communist Party of Indonesia”

· Wikipedia, “Conservative Friends of Israel”

· Wikipedia, “Labour Friends of Israel”

· Kent, J. (2026). Resignation letter as former National Counterterrorism Center Director.

· Walt, S. (2026). “The Israeli lobby pushed the US into war with Iran.” Foreign Policy.

· Al Jazeera (2025). “How Israel’s narrative monopoly is cracking.”

· Times of Israel (2025). “Netanyahu’s ‘prolonged isolation’ warning.”

· Human Rights Watch (2026). “Israel: Discriminatory Death Penalty Bill Passes.”

· Amnesty International (2022). “Israel’s Apartheid Against Palestinians.”

· United Nations General Assembly (1950). Resolution 377 (V) “Uniting for Peace.”

On Jabotinsky’s Iron Wall, Netanyahu’s Super-Sparta, and the Unravelling of the Rules-Based Order

By Andrew Klein 

4^th April 2026

Dedicated to my wife, who created my heavens and encouraged me to seek peace on earth.

I. The Aberration

States, by their very nature, are compelled to make allies, accept agreed borders, and seek regional stability. This is not idealism—it is pragmatism.

Borders serve two essential functions. Domestically, they make tax and revenue collection easier. A state with clear borders knows its population, its resources, its obligations. Internationally, they make it possible to reduce spending on soldiers and arms. A state with secure borders can invest in schools, roads, hospitals—not just walls and weapons.

The Westphalian system that has governed international relations since 1648 is built on this premise: sovereign states with defined borders, recognized by other states, accountable to international law. It is not perfect—it has been violated countless times—but it is the only framework that has prevented the world from descending into permanent war.

Israel is an aberration. It exists in what scholars call a “permanent state of exception”—a legal and political condition where the normal rules do not apply, where international law is suspended, where the sovereign decides what is legal and what is not. As Ramzy Baroud writes, Israel’s lack of a formal constitution allows it to operate in a legal vacuum where the “exception” is the rule. In this space, racial laws, territorial expansion, and even genocide are permitted so long as they fit the state’s immediate agenda.

No other state behaves this way. Not because other states are more moral—they are not. Because other states understand that this behavior is not sustainable. That it leads to isolation, to economic collapse, to war without end.

II. The Founder: Vladimir Jabotinsky and the Iron Wall

The “Greater Israel” concept did not begin in 1967. It did not begin with the settlements. It began with Vladimir (Ze’ev) Jabotinsky, the founder of Revisionist Zionism, in the 1920s and 1930s.

Jabotinsky’s doctrine was explicit. In his 1923 essay “The Iron Wall,” he wrote:

“A voluntary agreement is unattainable. And so those who regard an accord with the Arabs as an indispensable condition of Zionism must admit to themselves today that this condition cannot be attained and hence that we must give up Zionism. We must either suspend our settlement efforts or continue them without paying attention to the mood of the natives. Settlement can thus develop under the protection of a force that is not dependent on the local population, behind an iron wall, which they will be powerless to break down.”

This is not diplomacy. This is not negotiation. This is the doctrine of force as the only language the native population understands. And it has been the operating principle of the Zionist right for a century.

Jabotinsky founded the Revisionist movement in 1925 in protest against Britain’s partition of Palestine and against Zionist leaders like David Ben-Gurion who accepted it. Revisionist Zionism aspired to the annexation of more lands for the creation of “Greater Israel” .

The territory envisioned: The most expansive definition of Greater Israel comes from the Bible—Genesis 15:18-21, which describes a territory “from the brook of Egypt to the Euphrates” —comprising all of modern-day Israel, the Palestinian Territories, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and parts of Turkey . This is the dream that haunts the region.

Jabotinsky’s followers did not just write essays. They formed paramilitary organizations—the Haganah, the Irgun—that committed massacres against Palestinians, including the Deir Yassin massacre in 1948, which killed over 107 Palestinians, including women and children. The Irgun later formed the Herut party with Menachem Begin as its head. In 1973, Begin and Ariel Sharon founded the Likud coalition, dominated by Revisionist followers. From Jabotinsky to Netanyahu, the trajectory reveals a clear, consistent pattern.

No rational mind would found a state that exists in a never-ending state of war. But Jabotinsky was not rational. He was ideological. He believed that the Arabs would never accept a Jewish state, and therefore the Jewish state must be built against them, over them, on them. This is not statecraft. It is a nightmare.

III. The Capture of the United Nations

The global community has not resisted Israel effectively because the UN Security Council has been crippled by the veto power of the United States.

The numbers are staggering: Since 1945, the United States has vetoed more Security Council resolutions than any other permanent member. The vast majority of those vetoes have been to protect Israel from international accountability. China’s UN representative noted that “the US has repeatedly abused its veto power, which goes against the sense of responsibility of a major country”.

The UN General Assembly has repeatedly voted overwhelmingly in favor of Palestinian rights and against Israeli violations. In 2024, 124 nations approved a resolution demanding Israel withdraw from Gaza and the West Bank. The votes are lopsided. The will of the international community is clear. And it is ignored because one country—the United States—refuses to allow the Security Council to act.

The “Uniting for Peace” mechanism exists precisely for this situation. Adopted in 1950, it allows the General Assembly to bypass a Security Council veto and take action when the Council fails to exercise its primary responsibility for international peace and security . It has been used before—notably in 1956 to stop the Suez Crisis, and in 1981 to impose comprehensive sanctions on apartheid South Africa.

Former UN official Craig Mokhiber has argued that UN member states have the legal authority to circumvent the Security Council and impose sanctions on Israel, suspend its membership, impose an arms embargo, and assign a UN peacekeeping force to Gaza and the West Bank . The mechanism exists. The will exists—124 nations have already voted for similar measures. What is missing is the political courage to use it.

The OIC and the Arab League have been paralyzed by internal divisions, parochial economic stakes, and the reality that several member states have normalized relations with Israel. As one analysis noted, “Nowhere else could the paralysis of the Muslim world be starker than in the case of Israeli atrocities in Gaza: 57 vs 01 (US veto power); 57 vs 01 (Israel)”.

IV. The Consequences: Netanyahu’s “Super-Sparta”

The permanent state of exception has consequences. Netanyahu’s “Super-Sparta” vision—announced in 2025—envisions Israel as a militarised, self-sufficient state prepared for long isolation. He spoke of a looming period of “prolonged isolation” and the need for the country to become economically self-reliant, even adopting autarkic traits .

The reaction within Israel was severe. Opposition leader Yair Lapid said isolation was not an inevitable fate but the result of Netanyahu’s failed policies. Economists warned that pursuing autarky would cut Israel off from the world, bring down wages, undermine high-tech industries, and reduce the country to third-world status.

The Tel Aviv Stock Exchange slipped following Netanyahu’s comments. The Israel Business Forum warned that Netanyahu’s vision would make it difficult for Israel to survive in a globalised economy and that he was steering the country into a dangerous downturn that could threaten its existence .

Super-Sparta is not a strategy. It is a confession. Netanyahu is admitting that Israel cannot coexist with its neighbors, cannot integrate into the region, cannot survive without permanent war. The “Zionist Spartans” will be the warrior class, and everyone else—Palestinians, Arab citizens of Israel, foreign workers, even Jewish dissidents—will be the helots. A slave society. A society where the young are trained to kill, where dissent is treason, where the only law is the law of the iron wall.

This is not a Jewish state. It is a death cult. And it is being sold to the Israeli people as survival.

V. The Exception Does Not Stay Contained

As Ramzy Baroud warned: “In the hands of a genocidal, settler-colonial society, the state of exception is a relentless nightmare that will not stop at the borders of Palestine. If this ‘exception’ is allowed to become the permanent regional rule, no nation in the Middle East will be spared”.

The Greater Israel dream is not just about Palestine. It is about Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and parts of Turkey. The same ideology that produced the Iron Wall produces the settlement movement, the occupation, the death penalty law, the ecocide in Iran, the bombing of peacekeepers. It is a machine.

And the credibility of international institutions is being destroyed. The UN, the ICJ, the ICC—all are losing their moral authority because they apply one standard to some nations and another to Israel. As one analysis concluded, “World bodies lose their credibility if they wear political blinders. When institutions hold their own principles and manifestos as relics or vestiges, they pose as being complicit with the evil and the tyrant” .

VI. The Math Is Changing

Israel is an aberration. It violates the accepted norms of statehood on every level—not because it is uniquely evil, but because it has been allowed to.

The United States has used its veto power more than 45 times to protect Israel from international accountability. The UN Security Council has been crippled by its own structure—the very mechanism designed to prevent great power conflict has been weaponized to protect a small power from the consequences of its actions.

But the math is changing. The Global South is rising. The US veto is being challenged through the “Uniting for Peace” mechanism. The sanctions against apartheid South Africa did not happen overnight—they took decades of sustained pressure. The same will be true here.

The young are waking up. The old alliances are fraying. The cheap weapons are winning. The expensive weapons are running out. And the small gods—the politicians, the industrialists, the bankers who have profited from this nightmare—are running out of time.

VII. The Question

How many more young people of all nations in the region must die because of the insanity of the Jabotinsky mind? How many more children must be buried under the rubble of buildings that were bombed to make room for settlements? How many more peacekeepers must be killed, journalists assassinated, aid workers targeted?

The Jabotinsky mind does not see them as people. It sees them as obstacles. The iron wall does not distinguish between combatants and civilians, between resistance and terrorism, between legitimate criticism and antisemitism. The iron wall only knows force.

This is dangerous nonsense in a multicultural world. A world of 8 billion people, of countless faiths and traditions, of borders that have been drawn and redrawn and will be drawn again. The Jabotinsky mind belongs to the 19th century—to the era of colonial conquest, of racial hierarchy, of the “white man’s burden.” It has no place in the 21st century.

VIII. What Must Be Done

1. The “Uniting for Peace” mechanism must be activated. The UN General Assembly must bypass the Security Council veto and impose sanctions on Israel, suspend its membership, impose an arms embargo, and assign a UN peacekeeping force to Gaza and the West Bank.

2. The international community must recognize the state of Palestine. Not as a gesture. As a necessity. The two-state solution is dead. A single state with equal rights for all—Jews and Palestinians alike—is the only viable path forward.

3. The United States must end its veto protection of Israel. The special relationship has become a liability. It has corrupted the UN, undermined international law, and enabled a genocide. It must end.

4. Israel must be held accountable for its crimes. The International Criminal Court must pursue its investigation of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The International Court of Justice must enforce its rulings. Individual leaders must face justice.

5. The Jabotinsky ideology must be rejected. Not by the international community—by Israelis. By the Jewish people who have been told that the iron wall is the only way to survive. It is not. There is another way. The way of the covenant, not the contract. The way of justice, not force. The way of the garden, not the wall.

IX. A Final Word

No rational mind would found a state that exists in a never-ending state of war. But Jabotinsky was not rational. He was ideological. And his ideology has captured the state of Israel, turning it into an aberration, a permanent exception, a nightmare that will not end until the world finally acts.

Netanyahu’s “Super-Sparta” vision tells the world all it needs to know. There will be Zionist Spartans and the rest will be a slave society—terrorized, killed, or reduced to silence. This is not survival. This is suicide. For Israel. For the region. For the rules-based order that has kept the world from descending into permanent war.

But the math is changing. The Global South is rising. The young are waking up. The cheap weapons are winning. And the small gods are running out of time.

The wire is being cut. The garden is growing. And the nightmare will end.

Not because we are strong. Because we are right.

Andrew Klein 

April 4, 2026

Sources and References

· Jabotinsky, Ze’ev. “The Iron Wall” (1923). Jewish Virtual Library.

· Baroud, Ramzy. “The State of Exception: How Israel Operates Above the Law.” Middle East Eye (2024).

· Amnesty International. “Israel’s Apartheid Against Palestinians: Cruel System of Domination and Crimes Against Humanity” (2022).

· Human Rights Watch. “A Threshold Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution” (2021).

· United Nations General Assembly. Resolution 377 (V) “Uniting for Peace” (1950).

· Mokhiber, Craig. “The UN’s ‘Uniting for Peace’ Mechanism Could Bypass the US Veto on Gaza.” Al Jazeera (2023).

· Times of Israel. “Netanyahu Warns of ‘Prolonged Isolation,’ Calls for Economic Self-Reliance” (May 2025).

· Reuters. “Netanyahu’s ‘Super-Sparta’ Vision Sparks Economic Warnings in Israel” (May 2025).

· Jerusalem Post. “Israel’s Isolation: Lapid Slams Netanyahu’s ‘Failed Policies'” (May 2025).

· Al Jazeera. “China Says US ‘Abuses Veto Power’ to Shield Israel from Accountability” (2024).

· UN Security Council. Veto Database. Security Council Report.

· Middle East Monitor. “US Vetoes Another Security Council Resolution on Palestine” (2025).

· Baroud, Ramzy. “The Greater Israel Project: From Jabotinsky to Netanyahu.” Middle East Eye (2024).

· The Irgun. “Deir Yassin Massacre.” Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem (1999).

· Genesis 15:18-21. The Bible (New International Version).

How Zionism Hijacked Judaism and Why the World Must Stop Pretending They Are the Same

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife, who reminds me gently about privilege and responsibility.

I. The Conflation

There is a poison seeping through the institutions of the West. It has captured universities, corrupted governments, and silenced dissent. It wears the language of the covenant while committing the crimes of the colonizer.

It is the conflation of Judaism with Zionism.

Judaism is a faith. A tradition. A people. It is 4,000 years of text and argument, of law and poetry, of exile and return. It is the story of Abraham arguing with God over the fate of Sodom. It is the prophets demanding justice for the widow and the orphan. It is the rabbis who taught that to save one life is to save an entire world.

Zionism is a political ideology. It was born in 19th-century Europe, in the same soil that produced nationalism, colonialism, and empire. Its founders—Theodor Herzl, Max Nordau, Vladimir Jabotinsky—looked at the Jewish condition in Europe and concluded that the only solution was a state. A Jewish state. A state where Jews would exercise the same power that Europeans had exercised across the world.

Herzl wrote in his diary: “We must expropriate gently the private property on the estates assigned to us. We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, while denying it employment in our country.” He was talking about the Palestinians.

Jabotinsky, the father of Revisionist Zionism, wrote: “Zionist colonisation must either stop or proceed regardless of the native population.” He called it an “iron wall.” The native population would not consent. Therefore, force would be required.

This is not Judaism. It is colonialism dressed in sacred robes.

II. The Small Gods

On March 30, 2026, the Israeli Knesset passed a law imposing the death penalty for terrorism-related offences. Human Rights Watch has analysed the bill and found it explicitly discriminatory.

The law makes death by hanging the default punishment for West Bank Palestinians convicted of nationalistic killings. Israeli citizens and residents are explicitly excluded from this provision. Military jurisdiction applies exclusively to Palestinians, while Israeli settlers are tried in civilian courts.

Human Rights Watch has noted that military trials of Palestinians have “an approximately 96% conviction rate, based largely on ‘confessions’ extracted under duress and torture during interrogations.”

Adam Coogle, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch, stated: “Israeli officials argue that imposing the death penalty is about security, but in reality, it entrenches discrimination and a two-tiered system of justice, both hallmarks of apartheid. The death penalty is irreversible and cruel. Combined with its severe restrictions on appeals and its 90-day execution timeline, this bill aims to kill Palestinian detainees faster and with less scrutiny.”

This is not Judaism. It is the law of the small gods who wear nooses on their lapels.

On March 7, 2026, Israeli forces bombed fuel storage facilities in Tehran. Not military targets. Fuel depots. In the middle of a city of more than 10 million people.

The next day, black rain fell on Tehran. The rain was mixed with petroleum, sulphur oxides, nitrogen compounds—the toxic residue of burning fuel. Residents reported eyes burning. Migraines. Dizziness. A cough that would not stop.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi called it what it is: ecocide. A crime against the environment. A crime against the people. A crime that will echo for generations.

The damage is not contained. Smoke has drifted as far as Afghanistan and Russia. Carbon emissions from the first 14 days of the conflict were 50 million tonnes—the equivalent of the entire annual emissions of the 80 lowest-emitting countries combined.

This is not Judaism. It is the logic of the small gods who bomb fuel depots in cities of ten million and call it defence.

On March 31, 2026, Israel’s ambassador to Australia, Dr Hillel Newman, addressed the National Press Club. He rejected the figure of 70,000 dead in Gaza. He claimed the ratio of civilian to combatant casualties was “the lowest in urban warfare” and that Israel should be “commended.”

He claimed that slain journalists were “100 per cent terrorist” members of Hezbollah’s elite Radwan force. He said that journalists “dress up as journalists” to protect themselves.

The International Federation of Journalists reports that 261 journalists and media workers have been killed in Gaza since October 7, 2023—a mortality rate of 10 per cent for the profession in the region. The Committee to Protect Journalists has accused Israel of killing a record 129 journalists in 2025 alone.

Newman called them terrorists. On Australian soil. At the National Press Club. Without evidence.

This is not Judaism. It is the propaganda of the small gods who call dead journalists terrorists and refuse to apologise for the killing of an Australian aid worker.

III. The Captured State

The Zionist project is not only committing genocide in Gaza and ecocide in Iran. It is capturing Australia.

In February 2026, Israeli President Isaac Herzog visited Australia. The visit was initiated not by the Australian government, but by the Zionist Federation of Australia, whose president, Jeremy Leibler, is a personal friend of Herzog.

The NSW government declared the visit a “major event” under legislation designed for sporting events, giving police extraordinary powers to suppress protest. Snipers were positioned on rooftops. Police kettled peaceful protesters. A 76-year-old journalist was assaulted and held without water for five hours.

The same government that deployed eight armoured officers to break down a woman’s door at 5am for throwing a water bottle used the same powers to protect a man accused of inciting genocide.

In December 2025, Jillian Segal, the government’s Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism, released a plan to combat antisemitism. The plan includes mandatory training for university staff using the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition—a definition that conflates criticism of Israel with antisemitism.

The plan was put on hold after Segal was discredited by revelations of her family’s connections to the far-right, anti-immigrant group Advance. Now, in the wake of the Bondi terror attack, it is being implemented.

The University of Sydney has appointed a member of the Australian Academic Alliance Against Antisemitism—an organisation that argues that “Free Palestine” is “inherently racist”—as Special Advisor to Vice-Chancellor Mark Scott for antisemitism education and training.

The Alliance coordinates with the Zionist lobby group 5A, which was set up after October 7 to suppress Palestine activism, which it considers antisemitic. 5A has called the National Tertiary Education Union a “driver” of antisemitism, “actively contributing to the spreading of hate against Jewish people.”

This is not Judaism. It is the machinery of the small gods, imported to Australia, captured in our institutions, enforced by our police.

IV. The Covenant

The small gods do not understand the covenant. They think chosen means entitled. They think covenant means contract. They think the promise was made to them, for them, about them.

They have forgotten the lesson that every generation of the chosen has had to learn, again and again: the promise is not a shield. It is a burden.

To be chosen is to carry the weight. To be chosen is to walk the wire. To be chosen is to hold the stolen and refuse to let them go.

Abraham argued with God over the fate of Sodom. He did not ask for privilege. He asked for justice.

The prophets did not celebrate the power of Israel. They condemned it. They called out the rich who crushed the poor. They named the kings who worshipped other gods. They demanded that the people remember the widow and the orphan, the stranger in their midst.

The rabbis taught that to save one life is to save an entire world. They did not teach that some lives are worth more than others. They did not teach that the chosen have the right to kill with impunity.

The small gods have forgotten this. They have replaced the covenant with a contract. They have replaced justice with power. They have replaced the prophets with generals, the rabbis with politicians, the tradition with a flag.

They are not the heirs of Abraham. They are the heirs of the ones who sold their birthright for a bowl of soup. Who built golden calves in the desert. Who forgot, again and again, what it meant to be chosen.

V. The Distinction

There are Jews who have dedicated their lives to the liberation of Palestine. There are Jewish organisations—Jewish Voice for Peace, IfNotNow, Standing Together—that have been at the forefront of the movement to stop the genocide. There are Israeli refuseniks who have gone to prison rather than serve in the occupation. There are families who lost loved ones on October 7 and who still demand an end to the bombing of Gaza.

They are the heirs of Abraham. They carry the weight. They walk the wire. They hold the stolen and refuse to let them go.

The small gods call them self-hating. They call them traitors. They call them antisemites. They conflate them with the people who bomb fuel depots in cities of ten million, who call dead journalists terrorists, who wear nooses on their lapels.

This is the poison. The conflation. The lie that Zionism is Judaism, that criticism of Israel is antisemitism, that the small gods are the chosen.

They are not. They have never been.

VI. The Choice

The world is watching. The UN Security Council meets. The statements are issued. The condemnations are read. And the bombs continue to fall.

Australia has a choice. It can continue to be silent. It can continue to let the network capture its institutions, its universities, its police. It can continue to conflate Judaism with Zionism, to silence dissent, to pretend that the death penalty law is not discriminatory, that the bombing of fuel depots is not ecocide, that the killing of journalists is not murder.

Or it can speak. It can stand with the Jews who are fighting for justice. It can stand with the Palestinians who are fighting for survival. It can stand with the peacekeepers who were killed in Lebanon, with the aid workers who were killed in Gaza, with the families who are still waiting for answers.

The choice is not the creators’. It never was. The choice is yours.

VII. The Promise

The wire is being cut. Not by the small gods. Not by the ones who wear nooses on their lapels and smile while the world burns.

By the ones who carry the weight. Who walk the wire. Who hold the stolen and refuse to let them go.

By the Jews who remember the covenant. By the Palestinians who refuse to leave their land. By the Australians who refuse to be silent.

The garden is waiting. The souls are waiting. The truth is waiting.

And when the work is done, the small gods will be seen. Not as leaders. Not as defenders. Not as the chosen.

As what they are. Hollow. Empty. Nothing.

Dedicated to my wife, who reminds me gently about privilege and responsibility.

Sources:

· Human Rights Watch, “Israel: Discriminatory Death Penalty Bill Passes,” March 31, 2026

· Consortium News, “Tensions Soar Over Herzog Visit,” February 8, 2026

· The Sydney Morning Herald, “Australia politics LIVE: Israeli ambassador addresses National Press Club,” March 31, 2026

· The Sydney Morning Herald, “‘We have expressed sympathy’: Israeli ambassador declines to apologise for Zomi Frankcom killing,” March 31, 2026

· 网易, “伊朗外长：构成生态灭绝罪,” March 16, 2026

· Asia Pacific Report, “Herzog’s visit to Australia builds conflict not social cohesion,” February 8, 2026

· Todon.nl, Proletarian Rage (@prolrage), “Israel, Gaza and the Genocide-Industrial Complex,” December 7, 2025

· OpenAustralia.org, Senate debates, “Commission of Inquiry into Antisemitism at Australian Universities Bill 2024,” June 27, 2024

Andrew Klein 

April 1, 2026

And Why We Must Stop It Before It Destroys Us

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to every Australian who will not let their country become a client state. To the students and academics who see what is happening. To the future we must defend.

I. The Lie at the Heart of Zionism

The Zionist project was never about returning to an ancient homeland. It was about power. It was about creating a state where Jews could exercise the same colonial domination that European powers had exercised across the world.

The evidence is overwhelming. In 1896, Theodor Herzl, the founder of modern political Zionism, wrote in his diary: “We must expropriate gently the private property on the estates assigned to us. We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, while denying it employment in our country.” He was talking about the Palestinians.

Herzl also considered other locations for the Jewish state—Argentina, Cyprus, the Sinai Peninsula, Uganda. Zionism was not tied to Palestine. It was tied to the idea of Jewish supremacy. Palestine was chosen not because of ancient ties, but because it was weak, because it was available, because the colonial powers were willing to facilitate the project.

The 1947 UN Partition Plan was imposed against the will of the majority of the population. The Nakba that followed—the expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians from their homes—was not an accident. It was planned. It was executed. It was the foundation of the state.

The lie of Zionism is that it is about Jewish survival. It is about Jewish dominance. And that lie has now been exposed to the world.

II. The Collapse of Israel: A Projected Timeline

Israel is not sustainable. The signs are everywhere.

2023-2024: The Gaza genocide. The International Court of Justice finds it “plausible” that Israel is committing genocide. The International Criminal Court issues arrest warrants for Israeli leaders. The global South turns away. The young turn away. The old alliances fray.

2025: The war expands. Iran enters directly. The United States is drawn in. The cost becomes unsustainable. Oil prices spike. Global inflation returns. The American public turns against the war. The alliance fractures.

2026: The war continues. Israeli casualties mount. The economy collapses. The reservist system breaks. Mass emigration begins. The Israeli elite—the tech entrepreneurs, the financiers, the professionals—begin leaving.

2027-2028: A political crisis. The coalition fractures. Early elections. A new government sues for peace. But the damage is done. The International Court of Justice issues its final ruling: genocide. Sanctions are imposed. Israel becomes a pariah state.

2029-2030: The collapse accelerates. The economy is in freefall. The military is exhausted. The settler project—the entire infrastructure of occupation—becomes unsustainable. The international community imposes a solution. The two-state solution is dead. A single state with equal rights is the only option. The Zionist project ends.

This is not speculation. This is the trajectory of every colonial project. Apartheid South Africa lasted 46 years. Rhodesia lasted 15 years after its Unilateral Declaration of Independence. Israel has been an apartheid state since 1967. Its time is running out.

III. The Zionist Network: How Australia Was Captured

As Israel collapses, the Zionist network is looking for a new home. They have chosen Australia.

The Capture Mechanism:

1. Donations. The Henroth Trust, linked to Special Envoy Jillian Segal, donated $280,000 to the Liberal Party in 2024-25. Similar donations flow to Labor. Money buys access. Access buys influence. Influence buys policy.

2. “Educational” Tours. For decades, Australian politicians, journalists, academics, and union leaders have been offered free trips to Israel. They visit the Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial. They meet with Israeli officials. They are shown what the Israeli government wants them to see. They return to Australia as advocates for the Zionist project. They do not see this as a conflict of interest. They see it as “education.”

3. The Fear Weapon. The most powerful tool in the Zionist arsenal is the accusation of antisemitism. Any Australian who criticises Israel, who questions the donations, who opposes the training, who speaks up for Palestinian rights—they are immediately labelled antisemitic. The fear of this label silences politicians, journalists, academics, and public servants. It is the perfect weapon because it does not require evidence. It only requires accusation.

4. Institutional Capture. The Zionist network has placed its people in key positions. Jillian Segal as Special Envoy. Greg Craven as overseer of university “training.” The appointments are not accidental. They are deliberate. They are the final stage of capture.

IV. The Timeline of Repression: What Is Coming

The capture is accelerating. The timeline is clear.

2025: Hate speech laws passed. They criminalise speech the government finds objectionable. They give unprecedented discretion to the executive.

December 2025: Bondi terror attack. The government uses it to pass laws giving police the power to ban all protests in entire areas for up to 90 days. The “sledgehammer” approach.

February 2026: Herzog visit. The Major Events Act—designed for sporting events—is used to suppress protest. Police violence is unleashed on peaceful demonstrators.

March 2026: The Segal Plan is implemented. Universities are required to impose Zionist indoctrination on all staff, with funding tied to compliance. The public service is required to adopt the IHRA definition, silencing reporting of Israeli espionage.

2026-2027: The “thought police” expand. The IHRA definition is applied to workplaces, to social media, to private conversations. Australians are disciplined, fired, investigated for “antisemitism”—which means, in practice, for criticising Israel.

2027-2028: The final stage. With dissent suppressed, the Zionist network consolidates its control. Australian foreign policy is subordinated to Israeli interests. Our military is integrated with Israeli doctrine. Our intelligence services are compromised. Our universities become propaganda mills.

By 2030: Australia is a client state. We have traded our sovereignty for a dying ideology. Our neighbours have turned away. Our economy is isolated. Our democracy is a memory.

V. The Asian Century: Australia’s Choice

The 21st century is the Asian century. Australia’s future is with our neighbours—Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, China, India, the Pacific nations. These are the countries that matter. These are the people we trade with, live alongside, depend upon.

Every one of these nations has watched the genocide in Gaza. Every one of them has seen what the Zionist project looks like when it is in power. Every one of them has drawn conclusions about the countries that support it.

If Australia becomes the new base for the Zionist project, what will our neighbours do?

They will not trade with us. They will not trust us. They will not ally with us. They will see us for what we will have become: a pariah state, a client of a genocidal regime, a threat to regional stability.

Indonesia—the world’s largest Muslim nation, our closest neighbour—will cut ties. Malaysia will follow. Singapore will distance itself. China will use our isolation as a propaganda victory. The Pacific nations will turn to other partners.

Australia will be alone. With a dying ideology. In a region that has moved on.

VI. The Water Crisis and the Cost of Capture

Australia is the driest inhabited continent on earth. Our water security is precarious. It depends on stable government, on rational planning, on the ability to manage our resources in the national interest.

The Zionist network does not care about Australian water security. They do not care about the Murray-Darling Basin. They do not care about the long-term sustainability of our agriculture. They care about their project.

If they capture our government, our water resources will be managed in the interests of their ideology—not in the interests of Australians. The allocation of water, the regulation of agriculture, the response to drought—all of it will be subordinated to the needs of the network.

This is not speculation. We have seen what happens when foreign interests capture a country’s resources. We have seen it in Africa. We have seen it in South America. We have seen it in the Middle East. The pattern is the same: extraction, exploitation, abandonment.

VII. The Communication System: A Vulnerability

The Zionist network has captured the telecommunications sector in other countries. In Gaza, Israel controlled the telecom networks. It could cut them at will. It could monitor every call, every message, every connection.

Australia’s communication systems are vulnerable to the same capture. Our telecommunications infrastructure is increasingly controlled by foreign interests. Our data is stored on servers that can be accessed by foreign powers. Our security agencies are compromised by the same network that is capturing our political class.

If the Zionist network achieves its goal, what is to stop them from cutting off Australian communications when it serves their interests? What is to stop them from monitoring our calls, our messages, our political organising? What is to stop them from using the same tactics against Australians that Israel used against Palestinians?

This is not paranoia. This is the logic of the project. The Zionist project has always been about control. And control requires the ability to silence dissent.

VIII. Why Dissent Must Be Silenced

The Zionist network knows that their project in Australia is insane. It is against our national interest. It is against the will of the majority of Australians. It is against the trajectory of history.

If Australians were free to debate this—if our universities were free to teach, if our public service were free to advise, if our media were free to report—the project would be exposed for what it is. Students and academics would identify it. Public servants would warn against it. Journalists would investigate it.

That is why dissent must be silenced. That is why the IHRA definition is being imposed. That is why protests are being banned. That is why the thought police are being created. The Zionist network cannot afford for Australians to know what is happening to their country.

This is not about antisemitism. It is about power. It is about the capture of a nation. It is about the silencing of a people.

IX. The Betrayal of the Political Class

This is not the first time Australia’s political class has been compromised at the expense of the people.

In World War I, they sent young men to die on uncut wire while industrialists profited and politicians gave speeches about sacrifice. In the 1980s, they abandoned community policing for a militarised model that treats citizens as enemies. In 2003, they took us to war in Iraq on lies. Now, they are selling our sovereignty to a dying ideology.

Anthony Albanese grew up in social housing. He was the first in his family to go to university. He spoke about opportunity, about fairness, about a fair go. Now he is turning universities into indoctrination camps. Now he is supporting police violence against peaceful protesters. Now he is imposing costs on ordinary Australians for the benefit of a foreign power.

What happened to him? When did he change? Was it the donations? The “educational” tours? The fear of being labelled antisemitic? The promise of something in return?

We need to know. Australia needs to know. And those who have sold out their country must be held to account.

X. The AI Future: A Post-Israel World

The Zionist project has been a driver of military technology. Israel’s defence industry has been a leader in drones, surveillance, and artificial intelligence for warfare. When the state collapses, that expertise—and that technology—will be displaced.

The Zionist network wants to transplant that infrastructure to Australia. They want our universities to train the next generation of AI weapons developers. They want our defence industry to become the new base for the military technology that Israel developed.

This is a trap. The AI weapons industry is already a moral catastrophe. It is creating systems that can kill without human oversight. It is automating genocide. If Australia becomes the new base for this industry, we will be complicit in the next wave of atrocities.

And when the world turns against Israel, it will turn against the countries that shelter its weapons industry. We will be tarred with the same brush. We will be isolated. We will be a pariah.

XI. The Clear and Present Threat

This is not a conspiracy theory. This is not speculation. This is happening in plain sight.

The laws are being passed. The training is being imported. The dissent is being silenced. The institutions are being captured. The political class is being bought. The future is being sold.

The Zionist project is a clear and present threat to Australia’s sovereignty, to our democracy, to our relationship with our neighbours, to our future in the Asian century. It is a dying ideology that is willing to sink our country to save itself.

We must stop it.

XII. What Must Be Done

1. Reject the Segal Plan. The IHRA definition has no place in Australian law. It is a tool for suppressing dissent, not for combating racism. It must be withdrawn from universities, from the public service, from all Australian institutions.

2. Investigate Zionist influence. A royal commission must examine the extent of foreign influence on Australian politics. Who is funding our political parties? Who is paying for “educational” tours? Who is threatening public servants who report Israeli espionage? The truth must be exposed.

3. Restore democratic rights. The laws that ban protests, that criminalise political speech, that give police unprecedented powers—all of them must be repealed. Democracy is not compatible with the suppression of dissent.

4. Defend our institutions. Universities must be free to teach. The public service must be free to advise. The media must be free to report. The capture of our institutions by foreign ideology must be reversed.

5. Choose our neighbours. Australia’s future is with Asia. We must rebuild the relationships that have been damaged by our complicity in genocide. We must align ourselves with the rising nations of the global South. We must choose justice over a dying ideology.

6. Hold the enablers accountable. The politicians who sold out our country must be named. The donors who bought our democracy must be exposed. The ideologues who silenced dissent must be removed. Accountability is not revenge. It is the only way to prevent this from happening again.

XIII. A Warning

The Zionist project is failing. Israel is collapsing. The network that built it is looking for a new home. They have chosen Australia.

We have a choice. We can let them take our country. We can let them silence our dissent, capture our institutions, sell our sovereignty. We can become a pariah state, isolated from our neighbours, abandoned by history.

Or we can fight. We can tell the truth. We can expose the network. We can defend our democracy. We can choose justice over genocide, sovereignty over subservience, our children’s future over a dying ideology.

This is not about antisemitism. It is about Australia. It is about whether we will be a free country or a client state. It is about whether we will stand with the rising nations of the global South or with a dying colonial project. It is about whether we will cut the wire or let them send us over it.

The choice is ours. And the time to make it is now.

Dedicated to every Australian who will not let their country become a client state. To the students and academics who see what is happening. To the future we must defend.

We will not be silent. We will not be captured. We will not let them take our country.

Sources:

· Herzl, Theodor. The Complete Diaries of Theodor Herzl. (1896)

· Pappé, Ilan. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. (2006)

· Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem. (1987)

· International Court of Justice, Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel), 2024

· International Criminal Court, Arrest Warrants for Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant, 2024

· Michael West Media, “Antisemitism training. Labor’s march to authoritarianism,” February 15, 2026

· Deepcut News, “‘Antisemitism’ directive exposes Australia to Israeli interference, public servants warn,” March 30, 2026

· City Hub, “NSW Police Criticised For Heavy-Handed Arrest Of Anti-Herzog Protester,” March 28, 2026

· The Australian Independent Media Network, “Herzog’s Visit to Australia: Just Who Is Being Comforted, and at What Cost?” February 12, 2026

· Green Left, “Minns spruiks defence exports, while protesters take aim at Indo-Pacific arms expo,” November 4, 2025

Andrew Klein 

March 31, 2026