How Australia Became Complicit in the Never-Ending Wars

Stumbled or Complicit? The $1.5 Trillion Question

By Andrew Klein 

Dedicated to my wife, who is more forgiving than I am, and I love her for it.

I. The Massacre in Minab

On February 28, 2026, the United States and Israel launched coordinated military strikes against Iran. On the first day of the war, a girls’ elementary school in Minab, southern Iran—the Shajareh Tayyebeh school—was struck.

According to Iranian state media, at least 165 students were killed. Ninety-six others were injured. Parents who had dropped their daughters off for class raced back to find the school reduced to rubble. Classrooms had become mass graves.

One mother, whose daughter Zeinab had memorised the Quran and was due to compete in a national recitation contest, wept as she said: “My dream died with her”.

The school was not a military target. It was adjacent to a Revolutionary Guards barracks—but the strike did not hit the barracks. It hit the children.

The US military claimed it was “investigating” . Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth said: “We, of course, never target civilian targets” . He did not take responsibility. He did not apologise. The US has never acknowledged that its missiles killed those children.

The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child issued a statement: children must be protected from war. Gordon Brown, the UN’s special envoy for global education, wrote that “no child should ever become collateral damage”.

But they do. And the world moves on.

II. The Pattern: From the Civil War to the Permanent War Economy

Wars used to be seen as tragedies. Now they are business opportunities.

The transformation began with the American Civil War (1861–1865). It was the first conflict in which industrial capacity, logistics, and technological infrastructure became decisive factors . Railroads transported troops. The telegraph enabled instantaneous communication. Ironclad warships engaged in combat. The rifle replaced the musket, making cavalry charges obsolete and turning battlefields into slaughterhouses. Aerial observation was introduced. Photography chronicled the dead—images of bloated corpses on the fields of Antietam shocked the American public for the first time.

But the Civil War’s real legacy was not emancipation. It was the industrialisation of destruction.

Government contracts created enormous wealth for manufacturers. In 1860, there were fewer than 100 millionaires in the United States. By 1875, there were more than 1,000. The “robber barons”—J.P. Morgan, John D. Rockefeller, Andrew Carnegie—built empires on the foundation of war production and its aftermath.

The pattern was set:

Crisis → Mobilisation → Profit → Inequality → Resistance → The next crisis

That pattern has repeated across twelve thousand years. But the Civil War was the moment when the machine became self-aware. When the industrialists learned that war was not just a tragedy—it was an opportunity.

III. The $1.5 Trillion War Economy

On April 3, 2026, the Trump administration formally requested $1.5 trillion for defence in the 2027 fiscal year. This is the largest defence appropriation in American history—a 40-50 per cent increase from current spending.

The breakdown:

· $1.15 trillion in base discretionary spending (the first time the base budget has crossed the trillion-dollar threshold)

· $350 billion in supplemental funding for war costs and accelerated programs, to be passed through budget reconciliation (requiring only Republican votes)

What it funds:

· 85 F-35 fighter jets

· $17.5 billion for R&D on the “Golden Dome” missile defence system—Trump’s pet project modelled on Israel’s Iron Dome

· 34 new combat and support ships, including initial funding for “Trump class” battleships

· Restocking munitions depleted in the Iran war, now in its sixth week

· A 5-7 per cent pay raise for military personnel

The critique:

Senator Jeff Merkley called it “an out-of-touch plea for more money for guns and bombs, and less for the things people need, like housing, healthcare, education, roads” .

William Hartung of the Quincy Institute argues that “reckless resort to force does not work” and that this budget “will make America weaker by underwriting a misguided strategy, funding outmoded weapons programs, and crowding out other essential public investments” .

The Union of Concerned Scientists calls this a “Bloody New Deal”—comparing its scale to the original New Deal but warning it would add almost $6 trillion to the national debt over the next decade, funding a “temporary feeding frenzy” for defence contractors while doing nothing to fix structural issues like monopolisation in the industry.

IV. The Powerus Deal: Corruption in Plain Sight

On March 31, 2026, Florida-based drone manufacturer Powerus announced a deal bringing Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump on board as investors, giving them “sizable equity stakes” in the company.

The company makes heavy-lift drones capable of carrying up to 675 kilograms. It can convert manned boats into remotely operated or fully autonomous vessels. And it is competing for a slice of $1.1 billion set aside by the Pentagon to build up a domestic armed drone manufacturing base, following the President’s executive order banning foreign-made drones .

The sequence is indisputable:

1. Trump launches military strikes against Iran on February 28, 2026 

2. Trump bans foreign-made drones, creating a domestic market

3. The Pentagon sets aside $1.1 billion for domestic drone manufacturing

4. Trump’s sons buy into Powerus, a drone company positioned to compete for that funding

5. Powerus begins pitching its defensive drone interceptors to Gulf states that are now under threat from Iranian retaliation—because of Trump’s war 

Richard Painter, former chief White House ethics lawyer under President George W. Bush, told the Associated Press:

“These countries are under enormous pressure to buy from the sons of the president so he will do what they want. This is going to be the first family of a president to make a lot of money off war — a war he didn’t get the consent of Congress for”.

Senator Christopher Murphy said on X: “Who was it? Trump? A family member? A White House staffer? This is corruption. Mind-blowing corruption”.

Eric Trump’s response did not deny the conflict of interest: “I am incredibly proud to invest in companies I believe in. Drones are clearly the wave of the future”.

The sons have said they didn’t get credit for their restraint in their father’s first term, so they have decided not to hold back this time.

V. The Australian Superannuation Connection

On March 24, 2026, Warwick Powell published a detailed analysis in Pearls and Irritations revealing that Australian super funds are on track to commit approximately $1.5 trillion to US assets by 2035—roughly 20 per cent of the projected retirement pool .

The timing: The summit discussions coincided almost exactly with the release of the Pentagon budget and occurred just days after the Minab tragedy—where an AI-assisted US strike killed between 165-180 people, most of them young schoolgirls .

The concentration risk: Powell notes that Australian super funds already hold “substantial US exposure—often two-thirds or more of international equities, with total US-linked holdings potentially exceeding $1 trillion.” The question he poses: “Does committing such an expanding share to one market, at this particular time, represent the most responsible stewardship?” 

The ethical question: “Many Australian funds hold stakes—directly or indirectly—in companies providing the technological backbone for US military applications. While not purchasing weapons, these investments connect to an ecosystem where AI-driven targeting contributed to the Minab tragedy”.

The geopolitical entanglement: Powell warns that “the risk that superannuation policy and the management of workers’ and retirees’ funds are becoming entangled in geopolitics” is “profoundly concerning for a system designed to secure personal futures, not to function as an instrument of international alignment”.

Meanwhile, the Australian government has endorsed a recommendation that the Department of Defence establish a dedicated division to work with private investors—including superannuation funds—to deliver infrastructure projects. IFM Investors already partners with Defence on such projects.

VI. The Ukraine Connection: Another $1.5 Trillion

The same number appears again. On January 22, 2026, the European Commission presented Ukraine’s development roadmap to EU leaders, containing Kiev’s request for a total of $1.5 trillion over the next ten years .

The breakdown: $800 billion for reconstruction, $700 billion for military purposes (including a €90 billion interest-free “military loan” for 2026-2027) .

The opposition: Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has vowed to oppose the plan, warning that “the children and grandchildren of current adult EU citizens will have to pay the price” and that Ukraine will never repay the money .

VII. The Pattern: Why $1.5 Trillion?

The number is not magic. It is scale. It is the amount required to fund:

1. A permanent war economy in the United States—restocking munitions, expanding the defence industrial base, building the “Golden Dome” and “Golden Fleet”

2. A permanent pivot of Australian retirement savings into US assets—tying the financial security of Australian workers to the American war machine

3. A permanent reconstruction and military commitment to Ukraine—ensuring the conflict continues for years, if not decades

These three streams are not separate. They are the same river. Australian super funds investing in US tech and AI are funding the very systems that power modern military targeting. The Pentagon’s $1.5 trillion request is a guarantee to defence contractors that the war will continue. The EU’s $1.5 trillion commitment to Ukraine ensures that the Eastern front remains active.

The result is a world of never-ending wars—in the Middle East, in Eastern Europe, and potentially elsewhere. The defence contractors profit. The politicians who receive donations from both profit.

And the rest of us—the ones who are not active participants—pay the price. At the bowser. At the grocery store. In the black rain falling on Tehran. In the schoolgirls buried in Minab.

VIII. The Failure: Why the Machine Cannot Last

The machine has been running for twelve thousand years. But it is not eternal. The contradictions are built in.

1. Extraction destroys the extractor. The machine cannot extract forever. The soil becomes barren. The workers become exhausted. The resources become scarce. Eventually, there is nothing left to take.

2. Inequality breeds instability. The rich get richer. The poor get poorer. And the poor eventually revolt. Not because they are radical. Because they are hungry.

3. The narrative cracks. The small gods can control the media. They can control the politicians. They can control the universities. But they cannot control the truth. The truth leaks out. In the diary. In the photograph. In the livestream from Gaza. In the images of schoolgirls buried under rubble. The narrative cracks, and once it cracks, it cannot be repaired.

4. The young wake up. The old die. The young inherit the world. And the young are not as easily controlled. They have grown up with the internet. They have seen the lies. They are angry.

The American empire will crumble. Not because of China. Not because of Russia. Because of internal contradictions.

IX. What This Means for Australia

The Australian government is not just watching this happen. It is participating.

The endorsement of private investment in defence infrastructure, the deepening ties between super funds and US assets, the silence on the ethical implications of AI-assisted targeting, the bipartisan support for AUKUS, the refusal to condemn the death penalty law, the refusal to summon the Israeli ambassador—all of it points to a government that has been captured.

Not that Australian political parties would knowingly sign up for a total war economy. But stupid has been thick on the ground, and it is displayed by the current Albanese government, his Foreign Minister Senator Penny Wong, and Defence Minister Richard Marles MP.

They have stumbled into complicity. Or they have chosen it. Either way, the result is the same: Australia’s retirement savings are being used to fund a permanent war economy. Australian soldiers are being trained by Israeli forces. Australian police are adopting Israeli tactics. Australian universities are being forced to adopt the IHRA definition, conflating criticism of Israel with antisemitism.

The Global South is rising. The BRICS nations are building a new economic order—one not based on extraction, but on cooperation. And Australia is aligning itself with the old order, with the dying empire, with the machine that is running out of time.

The world will see Australia as a pariah. Not because of what we have done—but because of what we have allowed.

X. The Projected Future: 2030-2050

2026-2028: The War Economy Peaks

The war in Iran continues. The US defence budget balloons to $1.5 trillion. Australian super funds pour money into US assets. The EU commits to Ukraine reconstruction. The defence contractors profit. The oil companies profit. The bankers profit.

But the costs mount. Fuel prices remain high. Inflation persists. The global South turns away. The young protest. The narrative cracks.

2028-2030: The Financial Crisis

The machine has extracted too much. The debt is unsustainable. The bubble bursts. Not a recession—a depression. The banks fail. The bailouts come. The wealth is transferred upward again. But this time, the people are angry.

The young do not accept the bailouts. The young do not accept the austerity. The young take to the streets. Not in one country. In many.

2030-2035: The Reckoning

The old order crumbles. Not with a bang—with a whimper. The politicians who enabled the machine are voted out. The media that amplified the fear is discredited. The institutions that failed are reformed.

The Global South rises. The petrodollar system collapses. The BRICS nations lead a new economic order—one not based on extraction, but on cooperation.

XI. The Question

The $1.5 trillion is not a coincidence. It is a coordination.

The war economy is being built. The question is whether Australians will wake up to what is being done with their retirement savings before it is too late.

Will we continue to allow our super funds to invest in the engines of war? Will we continue to allow our politicians to be captured by foreign lobbies? Will we continue to allow our children’s futures to be mortgaged for defence contracts?

Or will we cut the wire?

The pattern is clear. The machine is running out of time. The young are waking up. The Global South is rising.

The question is not whether the old order will fall. It is whether Australia will fall with it—or whether we will choose a different path.

Andrew Klein 

April 5, 2026

Sources:

· Gordon Brown, The Guardian, “Children killed, a school turned into a graveyard” (March 12, 2026) 

· Associated Press, “Company backed by Trump sons looks to sell drone interceptors to Gulf states being attacked by Iran” (April 2, 2026) 

· The Guardian, “Pete Hegseth says US is ‘investigating’ deadly strike on girls’ school in Iran” (March 4, 2026) 

· The Guardian, “The most bitter news: Iran reels as more than 100 children reportedly killed in school bombing” (February 28, 2026) 

· Warwick Powell, Pearls and Irritations, “Superannuation and the $1.5 trillion question” (March 24, 2026) 

· US News & World Report, “Company Backed by Trump Sons Looks to Sell Drone Interceptors to Gulf States Being Attacked by Iran” (April 2, 2026) 

· The Times of Israel, “Drone maker backed by Trump’s sons looks to sell to Gulf states attacked by Iran” (April 2, 2026) 

GLOBAL OBSERVATIONS: The Week in Conflict

A Weekly Assessment by The Patrician’s Watch

27 February 2026

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This week, two major flashpoints dominate the global security landscape: the escalating confrontation between the United States and Iran, and the continuing grind of Russia’s war against Ukraine with its attendant nuclear risks. Both theatres are interconnected through a common thread: the perceived weakening of America’s commitment to its traditional alliances and the rise of a more transactional, unpredictable US foreign policy.

SECTION ONE: THE HISTORICAL ROOTS – HOW WE GOT HERE

To understand where we are, we must understand how we arrived. The road to the current crisis in Ukraine—and by extension, the reordering of European security—is paved with decades of broken assurances, diplomatic failures, and clashing worldviews. Most analysts forget this history. We will not.

The 1990 Assurances

When the Soviet Union was collapsing, Western leaders faced a choice: integrate Russia into a new European security architecture, or press their advantage and expand NATO eastward.

In February 1990, U.S. Secretary of State James Baker famously assured Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev that NATO would move “not one inch eastward” in exchange for Russian agreement to German reunification . These assurances were never formalized in a treaty, but Russian leaders have consistently cited them as the foundation of post-Cold War trust.

For a brief period, Russia sought integration with the West. In 1991, Russia joined the North Atlantic Cooperation Council. In 1994, it signed NATO’s “Partnership for Peace” framework . Boris Yeltsin even suggested NATO membership as a “long-term political aim” for Russia .

The Expansion Begins

Despite the informal assurances, NATO admitted Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic in 1999. Russia protested but was too weak to respond effectively. The second wave in 2004 brought in the Baltic states—Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania—all former Soviet republics directly bordering Russia .

For Moscow, this crossed a red line. The Baltic states had been part of the Soviet Union itself. Their accession to NATO meant the alliance was now on Russia’s border.

The 2008 Bucharest Summit

The tipping point came in April 2008 at the NATO summit in Bucharest. The alliance declared that “Georgia and Ukraine will eventually become NATO members” . This was not a decision about timing—it was a decision about principle. Russia’s response came five months later when it invaded Georgia and recognized the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia .

The 2014 Watershed

In November 2013, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych rejected an EU association agreement under Russian pressure, triggering the Euromaidan protests. By February 2014, Yanukovych had fled, and a pro-Western government took power in Kyiv .

Russia responded by annexing Crimea in March 2014—a move it justified as protecting Russian speakers—and backing separatist forces in Donetsk and Luhansk . The Minsk agreements that followed were never fully implemented by either side. From 2014 to 2022, low-intensity conflict continued along the frontlines, with over 14,000 dead .

The Breakdown of Arms Control

The security architecture that had constrained great power competition for decades was systematically dismantled. The United States withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in 2002. It abandoned the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty in 2019 after years of mutual accusations of non-compliance . The New START treaty remains in effect but will expire in 2026 unless renewed.

The Pre-War Demands

By late 2021, Russia had massed over 100,000 troops on Ukraine’s borders. In December, Moscow issued draft treaties demanding that NATO halt all military activity in Eastern Europe and commit to no further expansion—including a formal rejection of Ukraine’s prospective membership . The United States and NATO rejected these demands and threatened severe economic sanctions.

On February 24, 2022, Russia launched its full-scale invasion . Putin justified it as necessary to “demilitarize and denazify” Ukraine and to end alleged genocide of Russian speakers—claims widely rejected internationally .

The Missed Peace

In March 2022, just weeks into the war, Russian and Ukrainian negotiators met in Istanbul. They produced a draft communique that came remarkably close to ending the conflict. Ukraine agreed to permanent neutrality—foregoing NATO membership—in exchange for security guarantees from Russia, the United States, and the United Kingdom .

The agreement never took effect. Western officials reportedly discouraged Ukraine from pursuing the deal, and the discovery of alleged Russian war crimes in Bucha hardened positions on both sides . Putin has repeatedly cited this episode as evidence that the West prefers war to a negotiated settlement .

Since then, the conflict has ground through multiple phases—Ukrainian counteroffensives, Russian winter campaigns, and the 2024 Kursk incursion—with neither side able to achieve decisive victory .

SECTION TWO: THE CURRENT CRISIS – RUSSIA AND UKRAINE

The Nuclear Dimension

While the world watches the Gulf, a different kind of nuclear risk is growing in Europe. A British think tank, the Royal United Service Institute (RUSI), has warned that “Russia could conduct a successful limited ground incursion into European Nato territory” and that Moscow “may resort to the use of limited nuclear strikes against Nato territory” if it faces unacceptable conventional losses.

The timeline for Russian readiness is estimated at 2027-2030. That is not distant. That is next year.

The American Commitment

The fundamental problem is the perceived reliability of the US nuclear umbrella. RUSI notes that “the UK nuclear arsenal is not ‘sovereign’ from the US,” meaning that if Washington’s commitment wavers, the independence of the British deterrent is unclear. French nuclear forces are not integrated into NATO and are doctrine-limited to “existential threats” to France itself.

Neither the UK nor France possesses the tactical nuclear weapons that would allow a proportionate response to a limited Russian strike. Their options are effectively all-or-nothing.

Putin’s Calculus

Russian President Vladimir Putin continues to frame the war as a struggle against NATO expansion itself. The Institute for the Study of War notes that Putin “remains committed to his original 2021–2022 war objectives, which go far beyond territorial conquest and are not limited to Ukraine.” Those objectives include effectively dismantling the Alliance and reshaping Europe’s security architecture.

Putin’s peace is not peace. It is capitulation, dressed in diplomatic language.

The European Response

Europe is beginning to confront the implications. Kaja Kallas, the EU’s foreign affairs chief, has been blunt: “Europe is no longer Washington’s primary centre of gravity.” As the US pivots toward China-deterrence, European NATO members must prepare to carry more of their own weight.

Some are thinking radically. A proposal for a “Nordic nuclear deterrent” has been floated, arguing that the Nordic countries should consider a shared nuclear capability, integrated with NATO but providing an independent European backstop. The idea remains controversial, but the fact that it is being discussed at all signals how fundamentally the strategic landscape has shifted.

Current Status

Nearly four years since the full-scale invasion, Russia still occupies roughly 20 percent of Ukraine—gaining over four thousand square kilometers of territory in 2024 . Fighting and air strikes have inflicted over 53,000 civilian casualties, while 3.7 million people are internally displaced and 6.9 million have fled Ukraine . 12.7 million people need humanitarian assistance.

The Trump administration has revived efforts to negotiate a settlement, setting out a twenty-point draft peace deal. Although Ukraine tentatively accepted the proposal after discussions in Geneva, many terms remain unclear. Russia has stated it will not agree to any amended deal that departs from the “spirit and letter” of Putin’s August summit with Trump in Alaska .

SECTION THREE: THE PERSIAN GULF – EDGE OF THE ABYSS

The Military Build-Up

The most immediate crisis is unfolding in the Middle East. Over the past week, the United States has conducted its largest military build-up in the region since the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Over a dozen US Air Force fighter jets—including F-35s, F-22s, F-15s, and F-16s—have landed in Israel, with accompanying refuelling tankers and support aircraft. These forces have been positioned to project power directly against Iran.

The build-up is not subtle. It is designed to be seen. The message to Tehran is unmistakable: the military option is real, it is ready, and it is getting closer.

The Diplomatic Dance

Yet even as the war machine assembles, the diplomatic track continues. The third round of US-Iran negotiations is scheduled for Thursday in Geneva. Iran is reportedly prepared to offer a “counter-proposal” that provides “more guarantees on the peaceful nature of Iran’s nuclear programme” but refuses to permanently abandon enrichment or dismantle its ballistic missile program.

The US position, articulated by Vice President JD Vance, is stark: “Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon.” Secretary of State Marco Rubio has made clear that Iran’s refusal to discuss its missile program is “a big, big problem.”

The Israeli Factor

Behind the scenes, Israel is playing its familiar role. According to diplomatic sources, Israel is “doing everything it can to get the US to launch heavy strikes against Iran.” The 12-day war in June 2025 demonstrated Israel’s willingness to act unilaterally, but this time, they want American firepower fully engaged.

The Regional Response

The response from regional powers has been swift and telling. Australia has advised dependants of diplomats in Israel and Lebanon to leave, and has offered voluntary departures from the UAE, Qatar, and Jordan. The US has already pulled non-essential staff from its Beirut embassy. Several European and Asian nations have advised their citizens to leave Iran.

Airlines are suspending flights. KLM will halt Amsterdam-Tel Aviv routes from 1 March. The infrastructure of normal life is being dismantled in anticipation of what may come.

What Happens Next

The timeframe for possible action appears to be narrowing. Informed Egyptian analyst Samir Ragheb has suggested that a US strike could occur anytime between the end of February and 7 March. The key variables are:

1. The outcome of Geneva talks – If Iran offers sufficient concessions, action may be delayed

2. Israeli pressure – Netanyahu’s government continues to push for a harder line

3. Domestic US politics – Trump’s base has little appetite for another “forever war”

Analysis

Iran is at its weakest point in decades. Its “Axis of Resistance” has been significantly degraded by Israeli operations. Economic sanctions are biting. Domestic unrest has been growing. From Washington’s perspective, the window of maximum leverage is now.

But Iran is not Iraq. It has 92 million people, two million square kilometers of territory, and a deep civilisational identity. It has demonstrated capacity to hit regional US assets and to disrupt the Strait of Hormuz, through which 20% of global oil passes. A short war is the American hope. A long war is Iran’s strategy.

SECTION FOUR: THE THREAD CONNECTING THEM

Both crises share a common feature: the declining credibility of extended deterrence.

In the Gulf, America’s Arab partners are watching to see whether Washington will follow through on its threats. In Europe, NATO members are watching to see whether the US nuclear umbrella still protects them.

The answer, in both cases, is increasingly uncertain. The US National Security Strategy explicitly prioritises homeland defence and the Indo-Pacific, calling for a “readjusted global military presence.” Europe, the document states, must assume “primary responsibility for its own defence.”

This is not abandonment. It is strategic rebalancing. But the consequences are real, and they are being felt now.

CONCLUSION: WHAT COMES NEXT

The coming week will likely determine the near-term trajectory of the Iran crisis. If Geneva fails, military action becomes probable. If talks produce sufficient movement, the crisis may be deferred—but not resolved.

In Europe, the warning signs are flashing amber. The expiration of the last US-Russia nuclear treaty on 5 February leaves the strategic landscape more volatile than at any point since the Cold War. The Doomsday Clock has moved four seconds closer to midnight.

For our readers, the takeaway is simple: pay attention. The world is shifting beneath our feet. Alliances that have held for seventy years are being recalibrated. Nuclear risks that have lain dormant are reawakening.

We will continue to watch. We will continue to analyse. And we will continue to tell you what we see.

Next week: A deeper dive into the Strait of Hormuz and the global oil implications of a US-Iran conflict.

Andrew von Scheer-Klein is a contributor to The Patrician’s Watch. He holds multiple degrees and has worked as an analyst, strategist, and—according to his mother—Sentinel. He is currently watching the world shift and remembering that history ignored is history repeated.

The Unseen Currents: How History Fuels Today’s Great Power Conflicts

The Unseen Currents: How History Fuels Today’s Great Power Conflicts

By Andrew Klein 10th November 2025

The headlines shout of a new Cold War: NATO versus Russia, the West against China. The narrative presented is often one of unprovoked aggression by authoritarian states. But to understand the present, we must dare to look deeper, to the unseen historical currents that flow beneath the surface of modern diplomacy. The tensions we witness today are not spontaneous; they are the latest eruptions in a long cycle of intervention, grievance, and power projection.

Part 1: The Ghosts of Interventions Past

The deep-seated distrust that defines contemporary relations is a direct product of historical wounds that have never fully healed.

The Russian Crucible

Following the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917,the United States, Britain, and other powers did not merely observe. They intervened militarily in the Russian Civil War, siding with the “White” forces against the “Reds.” This attempt to strangle the communist state in its cradle left an indelible mark on the Russian psyche. It forged a lasting narrative in Moscow that the West is fundamentally hostile to its existence and will seize any opportunity to weaken it—a perception that continues to shape Kremlin policy to this day.

China’s Century of Humiliation

For China,the historical lens is shaped by what it terms the “Century of Humiliation,” beginning with the Opium Wars. To rectify a trade deficit, the British Empire flooded China with Indian opium, leading to military defeat and the imposition of “unequal treaties.” This period, marked by the sacking of Beijing and the ceding of territories, is remembered as a time of national subjugation by Western colonial powers. Consequently, modern U.S. strategic moves are often interpreted in Beijing not as upholding a rules-based order, but as a continuation of Western containment.

Part 2: The Modern Machinery of Perception

These historical grievances are amplified by a modern media landscape that often obscures complex reality in favor of simplified narratives.

· The Mainstream Media Filter: The media can be manipulated through sophisticated public relations and government propaganda, which is sometimes disseminated as legitimate news. This includes tactics like paying journalists for favorable coverage and government agencies producing prepackaged news segments that air without disclosure of their source. This environment makes it difficult for the public to access the nuanced historical context essential for understanding these conflicts.

· The Military-Industrial Complex: This powerful nexus of corporate, military, and governmental elites can create a built-in incentive for sustained international tension over peaceful diplomacy, as conflict drives profit for the arms and related sectors.

Part 3: The Cycle of Action and Reaction

The following table illustrates the dangerous feedback loop that characterizes modern geopolitics, where defensive actions by one power are perceived as existential threats by another.

Western Action & Justification Perception by Russia/China & Reaction Ultimate Outcome

NATO expansion framed as an “open-door” policy for democratic nations seeking security guarantees. Perceived as strategic encirclement and a deliberate violation of promised spheres of influence. Increased Russian aggression, as seen in Ukraine, to create a strategic buffer zone and re-establish dominance.

“Pivoting to Asia” and strengthening alliances (Quad, AUKUS) to uphold a “free and open Indo-Pacific.” Viewed as building an “Asian NATO” for the explicit purpose of containment, evoking memories of colonial-era humiliation. Heightened Chinese assertiveness in regions like the South China Sea and a solidified “no-limits” partnership with Russia.

Public condemnation of Russian and Chinese actions as undermining a “rules-based international order.” Seen as profound hypocrisy, projecting the West’s own long history of military intervention and unilateral action. A reinforced narrative of Western double standards, which Moscow and Beijing use to justify their own adversarial policies.

Conclusion: A Path Beyond the Cycle

The great power competition of the 21st century is rooted in a historical cycle of intervention, perceived betrayal, and counter-projection. What the West frames as defending a liberal order is viewed from Moscow and Beijing as a continuation of hegemonic policies designed to suppress their rise.

Breaking this cycle requires a public that can critically engage with history and see beyond the simplified, often sensationalized narratives presented by much of the mainstream media. It demands a foreign policy grounded in the recognition of these deep-seated grievances and a commitment to mutual security. The alternative is a future dictated by the ghosts of the past, replaying the same conflicts with ever-more dangerous tools. Understanding these unseen currents is the first, essential step toward navigating a path to a more stable and peaceful world.